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As Forests Burn Again, BC Is Changing Tactics ‘On the Fly’ | The Tyee

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Prolonged drought conditions are forcing British Columbia’s fire tacticians to rethink how they battle blazes in the province’s dry and hot Interior.

As huge, destructive blazes spread across the southern Interior, many are burning across land that has already experienced fire over the last decade. In years past, the BC Wildfire Service would expect previous burn scars to slow, or even stop, the progress of a new fire. But this fire season, a prolonged drought has upended that assumption. Firefighters’ experiences could have implications for what British Columbians can expect from fire seasons for years to come.

On Saturday, a grass and brush fire swept along the northwest edge of Okanagan Lake, through the Okanagan Indian Band community and several leasehold developments on the band’s land. Fanned by 85-kilometre-per-hour winds, the blaze burned more than 200 homes.

The area has seen many fires over the past decade, and some of the flames moved through areas that had previously burned, BC Wildfire director of operations Cliff Chapman said Monday.

The Quilpituk Creek fire just to the south, the Pear Lake fire near Clinton and the Brunswick Creek fire in the Fraser Canyon are also burning in areas that have seen major fires over the last decade.

But that history of fire isn’t helping crews to the extent that it once might have, Chapman said.

“We are not seeing the same sort of potential benefit of a fire running into a fire if [the burn scar] is more than five, seven, 10 years old,” he said.

Historically, crews would incorporate burn scars and control lines — a long man-made area with little or no fuel to burn. Although the most visible part of firefighting occurs in the air, from planes and helicopters dropping water or retardant on flames, some of the most important firefighting occurs through the creation of fire breaks dug by hand or heavy equipment.

Wildfire technicians frequently “tie in” such control lines to natural barriers such as creeks, rivers, lakes or man-made impediments like roads. The presence of burn scars could also influence long-term planning, as fire officials predicted the course of flames and plotted where to focus their efforts.

A burn scar “used to be something we could use as a control line,” Chapman said. Current conditions, though, make those scars untrustworthy. “The fire behaviour can be almost as extreme in some of those old burns, depending on their age and how severe the burn was.”

At a Tuesday press conference Chapman elaborated on the challenge in response to a question from The Tyee. He pointed to the Pear Lake fire, which is burning in territory that had been torched by one of B.C.’s largest fires on record: 2017’s massive Elephant Hill fire.

“When I started my career 20-plus years ago, burn scars would give us a 10-to-20-year buffer, especially if it was a high-intensity burn like Elephant Hill that we could then use as a control line,” he said. Today, drought and weather conditions stoked by climate change and warmer and longer summers make those old burned-over areas less reliable.

“Even a fire [in a scar] that’s only seven years old is now being able to display what I would say is significant extreme fire behaviour,” he said.

The conditions are requiring new approaches to fight, Chapman said.

“We’ve already adjusted our tactics on the fly, recognizing that when we need to put a control line in, that we will have to build it through an old burn scar, instead of using the old burn scar as a potential control line.”

More research is needed on the longer-term implications of this year’s fire season, Chapman said.

A question for science

University of British Columbia professor Lori Daniels, co-director of the Centre for Wildfire Coexistence, said the return of flames to recently burned landscapes reinforces the need to rethink how B.C. manages its forests.

Absent human intervention, fire is a regular feature of a natural forest that returns at periodic intervals, depending on the ecosystem, the climate and many other factors. But the interval between wildfires is shortening, Daniels said.

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Lytton Faces a New Fire. How a Past One Offers Some Defence
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“We’re getting short-interval reburns, where places are reburning within five and 10 years, as opposed to waiting 20, 30 years before they’ve accumulated fuel again,” she told The Tyee.

Over the last decade, researchers and experts have pointed to historic wildfire suppression strategies as a major reason for the province’s increasingly fiery summers. In addition to hotter and drier summers resulting from human-caused climate change, experts pointed to the buildup of tinder in forests that had seen few fires over the past decade. Officials have focused on the need to reduce fuel loads in forests through “treatments” — the removal of timber and brush by hand, logging machines and sometimes prescribed and cultural burning.

Daniels said this year’s fires emphasize that managing fuel loads in forests will take repeated and ongoing work.

“One and done is not going to work,” she said.

Scientists, fire officials and forestry experts will also have to study the forests that have reburned and consider the influence of previous fires, she said. A section of forest that had sustained a low-intensity burn in the recent past might be more primed to ignite quicker. Previous fires can also kill trees that later tumble to the ground, creating a future ground-level fire hazard.

“The condition of the fuel and the abundance of the fuel has a huge implication of whether it can sustain a reburn,” she said.

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The Science Behind BC’s Fire Danger Ratings
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The issue is complex. Some fire mitigation strategies, such as avoiding the creation of dense homogeneous forests, may run contrary to the preferences of industry. Others, such as the selected harvesting of trees, can find opposition among environmentalists.

The strategies also aren’t guaranteed to fully prevent a fire from spreading, Daniels acknowledged. Although extensive research has suggested that treatments reduced the impacts of previous fires on forests, they didn’t fully prevent those incidents. Nor did they stop this year’s fires, some of which have burned areas where Daniels and her team worked with communities on fuel reduction efforts.

The last month has demonstrated that British Columbia cannot rely on old burn scars to fight its fires or fuel treatments to fully prevent them. For Daniels, that suggests the need for another big change: a systematic rethinking of how the province and its forest industry manages and creates dense pine forests in British Columbia’s hot and dry Interior.

“We need to get away from that business-as-usual model as fast as we can,” she said. “Everybody says it’s too expensive, but what price have we just paid in B.C. in the last month?”  [Tyee]

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The professor facing prison in ‘antifa’ case: ‘They want to scare all who oppose ICE’ | US immigration | The Guardian

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Erik Davis was driving to a medical appointment in St Paul, Minnesota, on 16 June when federal agents surrounded his car.

“They hauled me out … and put me in a belly chain,” recalled the 53-year-old. He was arrested on the spot on charges of being part of a “conspiracy” to “impede or injure” Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) officers.

Davis, a college professor and father of two, was one of thousands of Minnesotans who had rallied earlier this year when the Trump administration launched an aggressive crackdown on immigrants in the Twin Cities.

Now the government alleged that he and 14 others used “force, intimidation, and threats” to prevent officers from carrying out their duties.

In its 94-page indictment, the government has argued that Direct Action Minnesota, the loose coalition of organizers that Davis was connected with, conspired to obstruct federal law enforcement and had “ties” to “antifa”. The prosecution follows a pattern seen in other cases against demonstrators this year, with the government highlighting the comments and actions of some activists in the coalition to paint all 15 defendants as agitators pursuing violence against ICE.

One such case in Chicago spectacularly collapsed last month. Demonstrators in Texas were recently convicted of terrorism charges and sentenced to decades behind bars, though in that case one protester shot and injured an officer. Prosecutors have not alleged any specific injuries to officers in Minnesota.

Civil rights advocates have said these prosecutions, even when unsuccessful, are part of an effort to criminalize lawful community organizing, weaken movements opposing deportations and turn the lives of activists upside down.

Davis, the government says, has attended and facilitated meetings about protests and discussed his “anti-authoritarian” ideology with other activists. He is not accused of violent acts, taking any specific actions at protests nor having any encounters with ICE agents.

He is facing six years in prison.

“It’s petty revenge,” Davis said. “They’re trying to portray being part of a community as an illegal conspiratorial act.”

Davis, and other defendants interviewed by the Guardian, are confident that the case against them will collapse. But the government is trying to send a signal, he said: “This isn’t just about us. It’s about trying to scare everybody who opposes ICE.”

‘Everybody wanted to do something’

Davis is a Buddhist studies scholar at Macalester College in St Paul and has long been part of labor organizing and activism against police violence in the region. When federal agents flooded the Twin Cities in January in a massive effort to round up immigrants, he felt compelled to step up, he said: “It was a federal invasion and terror campaign on our streets. The behavior of these masked thugs was horrific … they were ripping human beings out of families.”

Erik Davis, a professor at Macalester College in St Paul, said the charges were ‘petty revenge’. Photograph: Eric Ruby/The Guardian

Outrage and local organizing efforts swelled following the killings of Renee Good and Alex Pretti. There were rapid response and mutual aid networks, groups documenting ICE sightings, know-your-rights training sessions, food donations for immigrant families trapped at home. And many joined Signal groups with strangers to get plugged in.

“It was astonishing. The overwhelming sense was that almost everybody was opposed and angry and scared, and almost everybody wanted to do something,” said Davis, who joined hyper-local group chats with neighbors.

The indictment does not describe Davis orchestrating any specific protest plans, giving detailed directions to other activists or conducting any violence. It does allege that on 11 January, four days after Good’s killing, Davis helped facilitate an “emergency meeting” for residents interested in “resistance to ICE” that featured discussions of protest tactics, like civil disobedience, marches and “blockades” to stop ICE officers.

Prosecutors also cite a post by Davis in a Signal group six days later in which he shared information about upcoming protests and encouraged people to be at a federal immigration building. The indictment further notes Davis suggested people delete the group while on the ground during demonstrations, and that he participated in two additional meetings and a rally.

The indictment accuses other defendants of more serious offenses: eight of the other defendants are said to have participated in an action at a federal building on 1 March where demonstrators held shields and blocked vehicles from entering or leaving a federal building. Prosecutors say “individuals threw projectiles” at local sheriffs during the protest, but did not specify if any defendants were involved in that.

Four defendants face charges for separate incidents. One is accused of telling people to get guns in January. One is accused of following an agent in May to Wisconsin, just across the state border. And one is accused of assault and destruction of government property after allegedly knocking paperwork out of an agent’s hand and kicking an officer’s car in May. The indictment doesn’t allege Davis was involved in any of the incidents in March or May.

Across the indictment, there are no allegations of injuries to specific ICE officers, or charges of serious violence like there were in the recent federal prosecution of protesters in Prairieland, Texas, in which one protester shot and injured an officer.

Daniel Rosen, the Minnesota US attorney, said whether the Minneapolis protesters caused physical harm was not the measure of criminality in this case.

Vague ‘antifa’ claims

The broader suggestion of the indictment is that Davis’s statements in Signal chats and meetings, alongside the statements and actions of others, show the groups collectively were conspiring to oppose the US government’s authority and interfere with ICE – and that they were connected to “Antifa groups” that “blend anarchist and communist views”.

At a press conference announcing the charges, Rosen said the prosecution supported the mission of Donald Trump’s executive order last year that designated “antifa” a “domestic terrorist organization” responsible for “riots” against ICE. Antifa is not a formal entity, but an umbrella term for a wide array of anti-fascist activism.

To support the alleged “antifa” connection, the Department of Justice has highlighted a photo showing one of the defendants wearing an “I’m Antifa!” sweatshirt. Prosecutors also quoted another defendant’s post on Facebook: “YOU WILL NEVER WIN WITH NON-VIOLENCE ALONE.”

The indictment does not cite any comments by Davis about antifa. The charges don’t define the relationships of the protesters to one another, nor does it provide evidence that defendants like Davis endorsed the more radical statements or actions of others facing charges.

Authorities say Davis referred to his ideologies as “anarchist”, “broadly anti-authoritarian” and “broadly anti-capitalist” and praised the “revolutionary potential of our organizations” and “militancy” in a Signal message.

Spokespeople for the Department of Justice in Minnesota declined to comment. A Department of Homeland Security spokesperson declined to answer questions about the case, pointing to an earlier statement saying people who “lay a hand on law enforcement … will be prosecuted to the fullest extent of the law”.

Davis said his own political beliefs are focused on expanding equality and people’s freedoms and opposing state violence and authoritarianism – far removed, he said, from the stereotype of a violent “anarchist” extremist.

Davis said the meeting he helped facilitate involved more than a hundred participants with a wide range of ideologies – a space for people to come together after Good’s killing. “I’m not sure I’m described as doing anything illegal, which makes sense, because I didn’t.” He noted it was common for people to delete Signal chats at protests due to concerns about officers accessing phones during arrests.

“It’s bewildering. It seemed weird and laughable,” Davis said of the indictment. “It felt like the length of the indictment was a cover for how thin it actually was. I’m a professor. I’ve seen people pad out papers when they’ve got nothing to say.”

Facing 26 years in prison

Among the Minnesota protesters facing the most severe charges is Natasha Rakotz.

Rakotz, a 45-year-old home health aide, said it took her a while to get involved in organizing efforts after ICE arrived in the city. She said she wasn’t connected to any activist groups and didn’t know where to start. But she felt morally obligated: “People say, if it was 1935 Germany, what would I do? I couldn’t do nothing. I couldn’t sit by and wait for them to kill somebody else. I couldn’t sit in my privileged white existence and allow the government to absolutely ravage people that need protecting … It felt like nobody was going to save us.”

Natasha Rakotz said the charges were ‘ridiculous’ – ‘but I feel like the process is the punishment’. Photograph: Eric Ruby/The Guardian

Rakotz eventually linked up with groups monitoring ICE and threw herself into the work. Like Davis, Rakotz faces conspiracy charges. The government says she participated in a Signal chat focused on observing ICE vehicles, talking about what times she would be observing and how she takes photos of license plates. She asked others what they had observed and said she was interested in learning more about civil disobedience.

But in addition, the justice department says that on 18 May, Rakotz followed a federal immigration officer’s vehicle, “brake checked” and “side swiped” the car, “causing a collision”. The indictment does not provide further details.

Rakotz has denied the allegation. State records show local officers called to the scene of the collision cited her for a misdemeanor of allegedly violating her “duty to drive with due care”, a minor offense. A court report said she told an officer she was not following the federal agent and the collision was an accident. She was not arrested at that time.

Eventually, state prosecutors dropped the misdemeanor, saying federal prosecutors were filing charges covering the incident. The US attorney’s office has since accused Rakotz of assault on an officer, with a charge alleging “physical contact” and “injury”, though the indictment doesn’t identify a victim nor specify the injuries the collision may have caused, and it doesn’t detail any damage to the government’s car. That charge could carry a 20-year sentence on top of six years for conspiracy.

“I really believe these charges are going to get dropped because they’re unfounded and ridiculous,” said Rakotz. “But I feel like the process is the punishment.”

‘They’re trying to ruin us’

A trial date has not been set and complicated cases like this can drag on for months.

In the meantime, the consequences of the case have been far-reaching for the defendants. “They are trying to ruin our lives … I try not to remind myself all the time that the consequence of this bureaucracy is my freedom,” said Davis.

Davis worries about impacts on his career. He said he has long strived to keep his academic work and activism separate, but now thrust into the spotlight as an alleged “conspirator”, he wonders if his scholarship could be affected.

He has struggled to sleep, and the case has taken a toll on his personal relationships, he said. The 15 defendants are under a strict “no contact” order with each other, which has meant he has been cut off from several close friends, who are also defendants in the case.

He has worked hard to not dwell on the possibility of being locked up for six years: “I suspect I’m going to be afraid at some point and will have to process that … but I’ve been able to be unafraid because of the support and solidarity we’ve received.”

Both Davis and Rakotz said they didn’t want the case to discourage others from organizing against ICE and hoped people would stay focused on immigrant communities subjected to ICE enforcement and violence.

“Far more important than anything that happens to us is continuing to organize against the armed masked people in our streets,” Davis said.

Rakotz said she, too, had tried not to think about what a conviction would mean. “I am free right now and I refuse to let this stop me from enjoying life and doing what I can to positively impact the community.”

She paused. “And if I have to go to prison because I did what I could for the greater good, I’m ready and willing to do that.”

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Doctors took a look at man's painful shoulder—they found the joint was missing - Ars Technica

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A 45-year-old construction worker went to the emergency department for his right shoulder, which was extremely swollen and becoming progressively more painful. Doctors took an X-ray to try to see what was causing the problem. But when the images came through, it was what they didn’t see that explained the situation: His entire shoulder joint was gone, seemingly blasted apart into small, lingering pieces.

The shoulder joint is a ball-and-socket joint, with the sphere-like head of the upper arm bone (humerus) sitting in the socket of the shoulder blade. According to a case report in the New England Journal of Medicine, the man’s X-ray showed that he no longer had a ball at all or an intact socket. His upper arm bone was detached from the joint, and the sphere-like top of his upper arm bone (humeral head) was completely gone. The broken, headless humerus was instead left to float freely in the man’s arm, unattached to his upper body.

The man’s shoulder, visibly swollen, and his X-ray showing destruction of the humeral head with a free-floating upper arm bone. Credit: New England Journal of Medicine, 2026

Magnetic resonance imaging, meanwhile, found that the man’s rotator cuff—the group of muscles and tendons that holds the upper arm firmly in the socket—was also destroyed. Three of the four main tendons (supraspinatus, infraspinatus, and subscapularis tendons) had full-thickness tears.

The doctors diagnosed the man with a rare, ruinous condition called “Milwaukee Shoulder Syndrome” or MSS. The term was coined in 1981 based on the cases of four elderly women in Wisconsin who, like the man, had severe destruction of their shoulder joints and massive tears to their rotator cuffs. The condition is similar to—and possibly a subtype of—rapid destructive arthritis, which was identified a year later in 1982.

Despite being identified decades ago, the exact trigger of the joint-demolishing condition is still unclear. But doctors have hypothesized a series of events that leads to the disintegration. The hallmark of MSS is the deposition of calcium-containing crystals, specifically hydroxyapatite crystals, in the joint. These crystals may spur the production of enzymes that can attack and destroy tissues around the joint, including the rotator cuff. The attack is followed by inflammation and swelling that together cause damage that snowballs to complete joint destruction, which can progress rapidly. In the man’s case, he said his shoulder pain had mounted over just two months.

MSS is most often seen in women and has been linked to prior shoulder trauma and surgeries. It’s unclear why the middle-aged man in this case had the misfortune of developing it, but his doctors noted he had a pre-existing rotator cuff injury, and his work in construction put him at higher risk.

When caught early, MSS may be treated conservatively with anti-inflammatory medications and sometimes colchicine, a treatment for gout. But for a case as bad as the man’s, the main treatment is a full shoulder replacement. His doctors in the emergency department gave him pain and anti-inflammatory medication and referred him for a surgery evaluation.

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A Civilian Plane Crashed in New Mexico. Was the Military’s Tech to Blame? | WIRED

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Drone warfare is making the skies more dangerous, even for airplanes far from the battlefield.
ANIMATION: Gabriel Gabriel Garble

This past May, a twin-engine Beechcraft King Air medevac plane took off from Roswell, New Mexico, and headed west to the town of Ruidoso to pick up a patient. It shouldn’t have been a challenging flight for the two pilots and two nurses aboard. The temperature was 69 degrees; the sky was clear. The 60-mile journey normally takes a half hour, at most.

But once airborne, the plane ran into trouble. At the White Sands Missile Range that night, US military personnel were conducting a GPS jamming exercise that left the King Air pilots—and anyone else within hundreds of miles—unable to use modern navigation systems. Forced to revert to older technology, ones that they rarely if ever use, the medevac pilots got disoriented and crashed into the side of a mountain. There were no survivors.

The accident marked the first time that GPS jamming had contributed to the crash of a civilian plane in the United States. But it was just one of a string of recent disruptions across the world. The skies are more contested than ever, whether it’s civilian drones wandering out of the approved zone or US agencies getting their signals crossed, as happened earlier this year when New Mexico and Texas scared the public by temporarily closing their airspace. (It turned out that US Customs and Border Patrol were using anti-drone lasers in that area.) The GPS jamming exercise that led to this latest crash is not a singular event. In the past year, the US military appeared to have sent out notices for at least 10 such exercises. “As drone warfare and electronic warfare expand, airlines are increasingly encountering navigation disruptions hundreds of miles beyond the actual conflict zone,” says Eliran Almog, CEO of the cybersecurity firm Cyviation.

It's worth taking a closer look at what happened last May. While the Ruidoso crash was the first fatal accident in the US known to be linked to electronic warfare, there’s no reason to think it will be the last.

Even absent GPS jamming, medevac is one of the most dangerous categories of civil aviation. (Kreindler, a law firm specializing in air crash litigation, says that medevac flights have an accident rate more similar to combat flying than to civil aviation.) Flights are often organized on short notice, and they fly into airstrips that might be unfamiliar to the flight crew, and because human lives are at stake, there is an incentive to fly when weather conditions are marginal.

Some of those factors were at play on the night of May 13. At 11 pm, the crew was notified that they had to fly to Ruidoso to pick up a patient and bring them to Albuquerque. The pilots were captain Keelan Clark, aged 30, and first officer Ali Kawsara, aged 23. Clark had gotten his commercial pilot’s license just a year and a half before; he’d been promoted from first officer to captain the previous month. Kawsara had just two months on the job. He’d only worked cargo jobs before this one.

Both men had demonstrated proficiency flying in low-visibility conditions using what’s called instrument flight rules, or IFR. There are two basic ways to navigate in bad weather. Modern cockpits are equipped with GPS-enabled equipment that shows where the plane is on a computer screen and portrays a magenta-colored line that shows pilots where they need to go. This is called RNAV flying; an “RNAV approach” brings planes all the way to the threshold of a runway for landing in low-visibility conditions.

This method of flying is much easier than the previous iteration. Before GPS became widely available in the 2000s, airliners navigated using a combination of magnetic compasses, ground-based radio beacons, and inertial systems derived from old-fashioned gyroscopes. Flying by radio beacons requires pilots to form a 3D mental map of their location relative to the beacons. They have to practice until they become so efficient that they can stay calm under pressure, lest they panic, lose their situational awareness, and spiral out of control. “Just ask Kennedy,” says Kenneth Krentsa, a retired airline pilot, referring to JFK Jr.’s 1999 nighttime crash.

Clark and Kawsara took off at eight minutes to midnight and initially headed due west, toward Ruidoso. The weather was clear, but because the night was nearly moonless and the area is rural, the only visual references available were the lights of scattered settlements. “It’s a black hole out there,” says Juan Browne, an airline pilot who hosts a crash-investigation podcast.

Unable to orient themselves without visual cues, the pilots called up Albuquerque Air Route Traffic Control Center—Albuquerque Center, for short—and requested permission to fly instruments-only to Ruidoso. The request was approved.

Under normal circumstances, the flight that followed would have been uneventful. The pilots would have followed the magenta line, and the GPS navigation equipment would have lined them up for a smooth landing.

But 100 miles to the west, an Air Force Unit called the 746th Test Squadron of the 704th Test Group was holding its annual NAVFEST event at the White Sands Missile Range. The event draws together electronic warfare units from across the armed services for two weeks of exercises, in which units test different technologies for disrupting GPS and dealing with adversaries’ disruption.

Courtesy of <a href="http://AirNavRadar.com" rel="nofollow">AirNavRadar.com</a>

The event is held at White Sands because it’s among the most remote and sparsely settled areas of the continental United States. (Not coincidentally, the first atomic bomb was detonated there.) But in the run-up to NAVFEST, the Federal Aviation Administration warned aircraft operators that GPS could be affected up to 400 miles away between May 12 and May 18.

At midnight on May 14, eight minutes after Clark and Kawsara took off from Roswell, they told Albuquerque Center that they’d lost their GPS. Unable to navigate on their own, they asked that the controller give them a heading—a magnetic direction to fly in. The controller gave them a heading to fly west, and then, a minute later, to turn north.

The pilots said that they wanted to fly an RNAV approach to Ruidoso. This being ruled out while GPS is jammed, the King Air pilots changed their request and asked to use an alternate form of landing system called Instrument Landing System, or ILS, that doesn’t require GPS reception. At 12:05 am, the controller assured the King Air that they would provide them with vectors to guide them “in a couple of minutes.” In the meantime, they kept flying north.

In retrospect, tragedy might have been avoided if Albuquerque air traffic control had been able to pay closer attention to the young pilots in the King Air. But tonight they were busy. Three other aircraft also reported that they’d lost their GPS and needed help. One was struggling to get a bearing on a radio beacon.

While ATC helped other planes, the King Air continued north. By 12:08 am, they had overshot the landing pattern by 10 miles.

At this point the pilots had three options. They could stick to the current plan and wait for the busy controller to give them the next vector toward the landing. Or, now that GPS was working again, they could ask to switch to the RNAV approach and fly it themselves. Or they could ditch the instrument approach altogether and fly what’s called a visual approach. You see a runway, and you fly to it.

As the King Air flew north, they were high enough to see the lights of Ruidoso's airport 31 miles to the southwest. To the pilots in the cockpit of the King Air, a visual approach must have seemed a tantalizing prospect. Why hang around waiting for ATC to give them vectors, why go through the mental acrobatics of trying to figure out where they were relative to the ILS beacon? All they had to do was fly toward the lights that they could clearly see through their windshield.

The King Air called Albuquerque Center and asked to “go visual.” The request was granted.

As they turned and descended toward Ruidoso’s lights, what the pilots couldn’t see was the 10,000-foot-high mass of the Capitan Mountains lying across their path. As they drew closer, the dark mass of rock appeared to rise up, swiping away the lights of the valley. This could have created "confusion and a loss of situational awareness,” Browne says. “When those lights go out, man, you know you are in big trouble.”

The pilots slowed their descent, even climbing a little, but it wasn’t enough. They kept flying straight toward the mountain. “When you are in that state of mind, you climb as high as you can,” Krentsa says. “And you circle. You stay in one place until you figure out where you are. You don't just keep pressing forward, blindly.”

But that’s what the King Air pilots did. They flew straight into the rising slope and hit it at full speed. All four occupants died instantly.

The nature of warfare is changing profoundly, and quickly, as drones become cheaper, more numerous, and more deadly. Hard to spot, and hard to shoot down, they provide an effective way for smaller, less resourced nations to level the playing field against more powerful adversaries. Ukraine, nearly overwhelmed by Russia’s conventional warfare might at the beginning of 2022, has rapidly developed its drone force to gain what appears to be an upper hand in the conflict. And while the US achieved total air superiority over Iran after attacking the country this February, it has found itself helpless to stop Iran from using drones and missiles to effectively shut down traffic through the Strait of Hormuz.

To fight back, defenders can try to exploit a drone’s navigation. A cheap and simple way for drones to reach their targets is by GPS, which uses radio signals received from a constellation of satellites to calculate a position. When those signals are blocked, an enemy’s drones can be rendered blind. But the enemy, too, can take countermeasures. Drone and anti-drone technologies find themselves in an endless cat-and-mouse battle, each continuously trying to outdo the other. Exercises like NAVFEST offer a way for the US military to stay on top of the game.

Civilian GPS has become collateral damage, and air travel most of all. Since 2023, planes flying over large swaths of the Middle East, the Black Sea, and the Baltic Sea regions have endured waves of GPS jamming. Airlines have learned to adapt, but a price is still being paid. GPS was a major boost for airline safety, and while removing it may not instantly cause planes to fall from the sky, it removes a layer of protection from passengers and crew. Add in other stressors—a dark night, an inexperienced crew, a lack of proficiency in the backup technology—and the sum total is enough to yield disaster.

“There is no question that increased levels of GPS jamming and spoofing around the world pose a safety risk for commercial aviation. When alarms go off routinely in the cockpit, and when pilots learn to disregard key readings from their instruments because the readings can't be trusted, we're a long way from normal operation,” says Todd Humphreys, a professor of aerospace engineering at the University of Texas at Austin who has been a leading researcher into GPS disruption. “Air travel is still very safe, but it may be stuck for the next five years or more in a mild-and-increasing risk situation as we confront ever more GPS interference within the very-slow-to-adapt aviation industry.”

For a few years, US aviation was spared the disruptions of anti-drone electronic warfare. Then it started to happen here, too. In March 2025, airliners flying into Ronald Reagan National Airport in Washington, DC, received spurious alarms from a collision-avoidance system, and several had to abort their landings. It later turned out that the Secret Service was testing electronic warfare equipment at the vice president’s residence. This year, two separate incidents in West Texas involving US Army and CBP drone operations led to airspace closures and the disruption of commercial flights.

The aviation industry has been slow to grapple with the proliferation of counter-drone measures and their potential effects on flight safety. Airlines and other commercial operators are still heavily reliant on GPS for navigation, and other crucial technologies, like collision avoidance, are also vulnerable. “The harder problem with drones isn't defeating them. It's doing it without creating a system that negatively impacts civil aviation,” says Kris Brost, general manager of Robin Radar Systems, a drone defense company. “Counter-drone technology has to be surgical, not a sledgehammer, because the airspace we're trying to protect is the same airspace the economy runs on.”

Living in a world with drones of both the friendly and unfriendly variety is going to take a lot of adjusting. Historically, major changes in aviation take place only after crashes that kill a large number of people. But a sufficiently motivating catastrophe may not be far off.

On July 7, a 737 freighter, operated by a tiny Pakistani cargo airline called K2 Airways, took off in the late afternoon from Sharjah in the United Arab Emirates and flew east toward Karachi with a five-person crew. Its route took it just south of the Strait of Hormuz, an area that had been experiencing intense GPS jamming due to the US-Iran conflict. Later, after nightfall, the flight crew called Karachi air traffic control and reported a “navigational system issue,” according to the Pakistan Civil Aviation Authority. In the three minutes that followed, the plane dove 5,000 feet, climbed 6,000 feet, and then plunged 36,000 feet into the ocean in a near-vertical dive, killing everyone aboard. It’s too early to know what caused the crash. But it won’t be any surprise if the electronic warfare made another pilot fly into darkness.

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A place of certainty

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My mother is 86, and she is declining. Things that used to be easy for her now seem completely foreign. She was a programmer, writing software before I could read, so it is very strange to see her like this.

She no longer uses a computer. If I mention some photos I found online, she asks if there’s any way she can see them, as if she has never used the internet. This is a new reality for me, but is easier than a year or two ago when she still tried to be constantly online. As things got more confusing for her, she struggled and complained “the computer is haunted.” Now she doesn’t have the computer as a source of friction, but also not as a center of activity.

In many ways, she is following a similar path to her own mother, my Grandma O. Like her, my mom is accepting the changes in her relationship to the world. She is able to laugh at it a bit. But it will still be difficult, especially because we know it is a progression that is not going to get better and will very likely get worse.

The new her is very different from the original her. She was not timid. She came out as gay in the mid ‘70s and ran a feminist bookstore. She worked as a programmer. She got a PhD in computational linguistics just because she was interested in the topic. These were the things I was used to hearing about from her. She never lacked for enthusiasms, projects and accomplishments.

She was always energetic and feisty, ready to engage in debate. This picture does a good job capturing the spirit of many of our interactions in the past:

My mom and me in a lively but good-spirited debate

Now she is mild and somewhat resigned. She says things like, “I don’t think much anymore.” I know there are other ways this could go. Some people get very angry as their abilities fade. In that sense, this is a good trajectory, but I am still sad to see her shrink.

Last week we had a family gathering at my sister’s house, the usual location for these big events. My mom has been there many times. But now she didn’t recognize it. I sat with my mom and sister over lunch. They were discussing the dining room we were in. It wasn’t familiar to my mom. She wasn’t upset about it, just looked around and said, “no, I don’t remember this.”

My mom was enjoying her salad, but eating it with her hands. I pointed to the fork on her plate and asked, “You don’t like the fork?” She looked at it as if it was some unimportant detail of the tablecloth, and kept eating with her hands. She wasn’t bothered, just calmly proceeded in her way.

At the end of the party, my mom and her wife Fumiko were getting ready to go. Fumiko had scheduled a ride-share car, so we went out to the street to wait for it. We brought out a chair for my mom to sit. The time for the car came and went, but no car arrived. There were five of us out there: me, my sister and brother, my mother and Fumiko. My brother and Fumiko were trying to figure out where the car was. They were looking through the app for information. They re-read the email confirming the scheduled ride. Should we keep waiting? We could request a new ride. Would we be charged for the missed scheduled ride? It was a whole thing, lots of discussion and questions.

In the middle of this, without warning, my mom tried unsteadily to get up from her chair. Two of us quickly intercepted her. The uneven pavement seemed particularly treacherous for her. We supported her arms to keep her steady.

“Mom, where are you trying to go?”

“I want a place of certainty. This place seems very uncertain.”

She was right: out there on the sidewalk we were all uncertain. But I have to wonder if she was also talking about her larger experience in a world that is less and less understandable for her.

My mom sitting on her chair on the sidewalk with her three children standing behind her, waiting for the car

In the back of my mind, I wonder what my own future holds. But that is decades away, and my mother’s situation is now. I don’t know what her next steps down will be like. She has already changed a great deal in the last year.

I think we would all like a place of certainty. I know I would, but I also know I am not going to get it soon.

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50-plus military spouses, parents detained in immigration crackdown | AP News

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President Donald Trump’s administration has detained dozens of parents and spouses of active-duty U.S. troops as it rolls back immigration protections for military families to pursue its mass deportation agenda, an Associated Press investigation found.

More than 50 parents and spouses of active-duty service members have been detained since Trump took office for a second term, and at least six have been deported, the AP found in the first accounting of such detentions, which the government does not track. At least eight immediate family members of U.S. service members remain in federal immigration custody.

Parents and spouses of people in the military have generally been shielded from deportation under bipartisan consensus for decades. But the AP found they’re now routinely being detained for months as they try to adjust their legal status through the policies available to service members’ close relatives and even as the military continues to recruit by advertising immigration benefits for enlistees’ families. Experts warn that the reversal could undermine military preparedness even as the U.S. is at war in Iran. It’s left military members without emotional support and caretakers for their children, delayed deployments and forced some to take leave.

“How can I even focus on my military career because I have to worry about how my wife is doing?” said Army Sgt. Hedar Leonel Turcios Juarez, who was stationed in Fort Bliss, Texas, when his wife was detained outside a Walmart in front of their 6-year-old daughter in July.

A handful of detentions of service members’ spouses have prompted public backlash and led to intervention by Homeland Security Secretary Markwayne Mullin to secure their release.

The Department of Homeland Security has said it does not compile data on these cases. The AP obtained information by analyzing thousands of federal court records compiled by Habeas Dockets, a project run by the Immigration Justice Transparency Initiative; by reviewing existing media coverage; and by verifying information with family members and attorneys. The actual number is likely much higher than the 51 cases AP found.

The AP asked for comment from DHS on each case, including the individuals’ immigration and criminal history. The agency did not provide specific information about the majority of cases but noted that at least seven people had been removed from the U.S. before, at least eight had removal orders and at least two had drunken driving or drug-related convictions.

“DHS and ICE value the contributions of all those who have served in the U.S. military,” DHS said in a statement. “U.S. military service alone does not automatically grant lawful immigration status, or exempt aliens from the consequences of violating U.S. immigration laws.”

The Pentagon declined to comment on the AP’s findings.

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Service members are losing their safety net

Air Force Tech. Sgt. Wendy Gbeve, 30, said she hasn’t had a good night’s sleep since her father, Luis Alberto Ramirez Zavala, was detained by immigration officials last month. Gbeve was there when he was arrested at a routine interview with U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services in Missouri about his pending application for legal status.

She spent hours refreshing the USCIS page to track where the government was taking her father: from a county jail in Missouri to an Immigration and Customs Enforcement detention facility in Texas. Finally, roughly two weeks after he was detained, she found out he had been deported to his native Mexico.

“It’s the most frustrating, helpless feeling,” Gbeve said.

Gbeve said ICE still hasn’t informed her family why her father was removed so quickly. Ramirez Zavala spent most of his life in the U.S. working as a ranch hand in rural Illinois.

Ramirez Zavala’s wife of 30 years, a legal permanent resident, is considering returning to Mexico to be with her husband. For Gbeve, whose husband is also in the Air Force, that would leave no one to watch their children, ages 2 and 4, if both were deployed.

“That would be our entire safety net,” she said.

Military members have had to take leave or delay a deployment

Some service members have been left caring for children alone.

Army Staff Sgt. Alexis Jaramillo, an aviation operations specialist who has served for more than a decade, said he would normally be involved in training soldiers at Fort Polk, Louisiana. Instead, he is on administrative leave, caring for his 5-year-old stepson, Noah, after his Brazilian wife, Maisa Lopes Eliaser, was detained in early July.

It happened during what the family thought was a routine appointment at a USCIS office in Alabama. Eliaser arrived in the U.S. on a tourist visa in 2019, and the couple was trying to change her status.

Immigration officials asked Jaramillo and his stepson to leave the room. Minutes later, they were told that Eliaser had been detained. The next time they saw her was inside a detention facility.

“It is really overwhelming because I need to take care of my kid by myself. No one is here to help me out,” Jaramillo said.

At least one active-duty soldier halted her imminent deployment after her husband was detained by immigration officers, leaving no one to care for their then-5-year-old son, court records show. A judge eventually ordered the husband released.

Trump’s policy is a reversal even from his first administration

A new policy, implemented in April 2025, states that “military service alone does not exempt aliens from the consequences of violating U.S. immigration laws.”

Experts in military immigration law said this marks a stark shift from previous administrations across the political spectrum, including Trump’s first administration.

Dan Gividen, who served as ICE’s deputy chief counsel from 2016 to 2019 under Trump, represents a soldier’s father who has been in ICE custody for more than eight months. He said that during his time as an ICE prosecutor, immigration authorities rarely detained service members’ immediate family members unless they had committed violent crimes.

“We would not place them into removal proceedings, period. That’s insane,” Gividen said. “The fact that they’re doing it now is just outrageous.”

ICE previously generally canceled past removal orders and allowed parents or spouses of troops to adjust their legal status, said Margaret Stock, an immigration attorney and retired lieutenant colonel in the Army Reserve. She said that’s because the government wanted to ensure troops focused on their duties.

“It’s the same thing that happens if you don’t provide healthcare to the troops, or you don’t provide housing to the troops,” she said. If soldiers are preoccupied with detained or deported family, “they’re not concentrating on their job anymore.”

Even some congressional Republicans who are otherwise largely supportive of Trump’s aggressive immigration crackdown have pushed for the release of service members’ relatives.

“The immigration system is failing the honorable and good Americans,” Florida Republican Rep. Maria Elvira Salazar said at a news conference in July advocating for the release of the wife of retired Staff Sgt. Wilmer Trujillo, who served in Iraq and Afghanistan. DHS said she illegally reentered the U.S. after being deported in 2005.

Although DHS said it does not have data on active-duty troops, it has released figures for former service members, who also qualify for immigration benefits along with their immediate families. From Jan. 20, 2025, through Jan. 26, 2026, immigration authorities detained 125 military veterans — placing 34 into removal proceedings — and arrested more than 150 immediate family members, DHS said in a letter to several Democratic senators.

Anh Dung Cong Tran, known as “Tony,” had both a father and son who served in the military. Tran came to the U.S. in 1990 through a program for children of American military personnel born in Vietnam. Tran, 56, was deported in July, having lived in the U.S. for decades with regular check-ins with immigration authorities after an assault conviction soon after his arrival.

His son Antonio Tran said his father persuaded him to enlist in the military in 2022. “He has a totally different view on America now,” said Tran, who was discharged as an Army specialist in March after a serious injury.

Benefits for service members include what’s known as parole-in-place

Military recruiters tout immigration benefits for troops’ families as a selling point to enlist.

One of the military’s most highly advertised immigration benefits is “military parole-in-place,” which allows the spouses, children and parents of active-duty service members and veterans to obtain legal immigration status from within the country. Not everyone qualifies: Those who overstayed visas or who already applied for legal status at the border, for example.

The policy was implemented under Republican President George W. Bush during the U.S. war with Iraq in 2007 and codified under Democratic President Barack Obama. DHS agencies can grant it on a case-by-case basis.

Under Trump, the average time it takes to receive military parole-in-place has more than doubled to 12 months, according to USCIS data. That leaves military families more vulnerable to being placed in ICE custody.

Recruiters are still promoting immigration benefits

The AP found that troops’ immediate family members have repeatedly been detained by ICE while applying for parole-in-place or seeking to adjust their status, including during immigration appointments.

Marine Cpl. Jose Manuel Vilchis-Valle’s mother, Ursula Borja Valle, was detained at an appointment in August 2025 and deported to Mexico within a week. She had lived in the U.S. since the 1990s without a known criminal record. Her son was attempting to help her clear up a decades-old removal order through the immigration benefits that military recruiters had used to help convince him to enlist.

“They basically told me that if you serve, and if you served honorably, you can help your parents,” said Vilchis-Valle, 23, who was honorably discharged shortly after his mother was deported. “In a perfect world, I wished, because of my service, they could have pardoned her.”

In other cases, ICE has detained people who had already been granted protection, with the agency later arguing in court filings that their parole status had been revoked.

In June 2025, the Marine Corps officially stopped advertising enlistment as a way to protect immigrant family members, in response to inquiries from the AP. But recruiters for the Army and the National Guard still promote it.

“For some service members, enlisting isn’t just about serving their country,” read an Instagram post published in late July by an official Army recruiter based in California. “It’s also about doing everything they can to help protect their parents who sacrificed everything for them.”

Recruiters are expected to highlight the benefits of service to attract applicants and military parole-in-place remains in effect, Army spokesperson Christopher Surridge said.

The National Guard said it does not track detentions of its troops’ relatives or which recruiters advertise immigration benefits and referred additional comment to DHS.

A soldier who helped patrol the border grapples with his father’s detention

For U.S. Army Specialist Romero Ralios, his father’s detention has left him remorseful about his deployment last year to the Joint Task Force Southern Border, where he spent nine months supporting U.S. Customs and Border Patrol.

His father, Sebastian Ralios Tino, a Guatemalan landscaper with no known criminal record, was detained this summer. He lived in the U.S. for nearly two decades without legal status.

Ralios’ commanding officer, Capt. Mohamed Elmaola, told the AP he wanted to speak up because Ralios is a “phenomenal soldier” whose father should receive due process.

“It’s very hard to communicate and to have credibility as a leader when your own subordinates are unable to get support,” Elmaola said. “Considering he enlisted his time and his life into supporting and defending the United States Constitution, it is the right thing to do to support soldiers and their families.”

Romero Ralios now struggles to sleep at night due to the stress and wishes he had not been involved in immigration enforcement, even though he was just following orders.

“It was karma. I should’ve known,” Ralios told the AP. “All those families I broke. I have regrets.”

___

Brook is a corps member for The Associated Press/Report for America Statehouse News Initiative. Report for America is a nonprofit national service program that places journalists in local newsrooms to report on undercovered issues.

___

Former AP reporter Morgan Lee contributed.

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