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US judge rules Luigi Mangione won’t face death penalty in CEO killing case

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Judge rules out capital punishment, but 27-year-old still faces federal stalking charges and state-level murder charges.

A New York judge has dismissed murder and weapons charges against Luigi Mangione, meaning that prosecutors can no longer seek the death penalty in the case accusing him of killing UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson.

While district judge Margaret Garnett dismissed the charges punishable by death in her ruling on Friday, the 27-year-old still faces two counts of stalking in his federal case that could lead to a maximum punishment of life in prison, as well as state-level murder charges carrying the same penalty.

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Mangione, the Ivy League-educated scion of a wealthy Maryland family, previously pleaded not guilty to federal murder, weapons and stalking charges for allegedly gunning down Thompson in December 2024.

Garnett’s decision foils the bid of US President Donald Trump’s administration to see him executed for what it called a “premeditated, cold-blooded assassination that shocked America”. The judge is an appointee of former President Joe Biden.

Thompson, 50, was killed as he walked to a midtown Manhattan hotel for UnitedHealth Group’s annual investor conference.

Surveillance video showed a masked gunman shooting him from behind, with police saying that “delay,” “deny” and “depose” were written on the ammunition, mimicking a phrase used to describe how insurers avoid paying claims.

Jury selection in the federal case is scheduled to begin on September 8.

The state trial hasn’t been scheduled yet, but Mangione had already entered separate not guilty pleas for murder, weapons and forgery charges in Manhattan state court.

This week, the Manhattan district attorney’s office sent a letter urging the judge in that case to set a July 1 trial date.

Attorney General Pam Bondi ordered Manhattan federal prosecutors last April to seek the death penalty against Mangione, following through on Trump’s pledge to pursue capital punishment.

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Trump returned to office a year ago with a pledge to resume federal executions after they were halted under Biden.

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Best gas masks | The Verge

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I was tear gassed by the government for the first time in July 2020 at one of the many Black Lives Matter protests that broke out all over the country. The feeling is excruciating, like your lungs are trying to kill you from the inside out. The sting in your eyes is painful, too. But oddly, after you’ve been tear gassed enough times, you mostly just resent the inconvenience of having to stand around and involuntarily gasp and sob. That summer, I learned the art of walking out of a cloud of tear gas — briskly, but not too briskly, lest you lose breath control and take in a huge huff of aerosolized pain.

I thought about this five years later, as I watched Trump Attorney General Pam Bondi appear on Fox News after Customs and Border Protection agents killed Alex Pretti in Minneapolis. “How did these people go out and get gas masks?” she asked, incredulously. “These protesters — would you know how to walk out on the street and buy a gas mask, right now? Think about that.”

As a longtime gas mask user, I can sympathize. There isn’t a lot of reliable information out there about how to buy a gas mask, especially for the specific purpose of living under state repression. But hopefully after reading this guide you’ll feel equipped to make an educated decision.

The best gas mask for most people

The Good

  • Full face
  • Blocks out tear gas from both federal and local law enforcement
  • Adjustable straps to fit a range of head sizes
  • Filters included
  • Affordable price point

The Bad

  • Rubber straps can tug on your hair
  • Plastic cinching components broke five years after purchase
  • Does not fit with most bike helmets
  • Difficult to wear for longer than an hour at a time
  • Unclear how well the default filters handle particulates

The first time I went out into the Portland protests, I walked into a cloud of pepper spray and ended up crying and coughing while doubled over on a nearby sidewalk. So I bought some goggles. The next time, I was tear gassed. I bought better goggles and a half-face respirator. About a week later, I owned a full-face gas mask; one ex-military friend remarked that the gas mask looked more hardcore than the ones that the US Army handed out to joes. This was just silly, since the mask I had bought was technically a full-face respirator, rather than a proper military-grade mask, but I had to admit that my new equipment looked very extreme.

Dozens of my fellow journalists were already on the ground by the time I got there; as the feds escalated in force, we all upgraded our equipment bit by bit. The mask I got was pretty good. I practiced taking it out of my bag and pulling it over my head, anticipating the moment I heard the telltale hiss of a gas canister; I learned how to tighten and adjust the straps while on the move. With the mask on, I could stand in the thick pea-soupers of brownish tear gas that the feds were so fond of, and pull out my phone and start tapping out my reporting notes.

When I eventually sat down to write my article about the Portland protests, I had a strange kind of epiphany, if it can even be called that. Out in the real world, when drowning in tear gas and adrenaline, I only thought of the feds as an antagonistic, occupying force; later, in the confines of my home office, I found myself considering their perspective. But rather than adding nuance and clarity to the fucked-up warzone less than a mile from my apartment, I was more confused than ever.

What we’re looking for

Who we consulted

The Verge consulted journalists who covered the Portland protests in 2020, where federal and local forces regularly used tear gas against protesters over the course of four months.

Easy to use

It’s important for a gas mask to slide over your head quickly, even in a chaotic environment.

A comfortable fit and coverage

You may be wearing a gas mask for just a few minutes, or you may find yourself in the mask for several hours at a time. After testing against both federal and local law enforcement, we found that although a half-face respirator and goggles are better than nothing, they are not an adequate substitute for full-face coverage.

Durability

A quality gas mask should last through normal wear and tear, like getting beaten or thrown around by the police. The materials of a gas mask are especially important if a federal agent grabs you by your hair.

Value

The best gas masks run close to $400, which is not a price point that everyone can afford. Not everyone can shell out for the gold standard in gas masks, but fortunately there are still decent options for around $120.

Why did tear gas even exist? I wondered later, as I sat at my laptop to write my piece. As far as I could tell, all it did was make people angrier. If it neither killed nor neutralized, and merely hurt and enraged people, for what situation could it ever be appropriate? Why was it being used at all?

I struggled, too, with vocabulary. I was at my computer, trying to point to concrete proof to explain that the protests were protests rather than riots, but I found myself baffled as to what the hallmarks of a riot even were. I had thought that a crowd being tear gassed in the dead of night might be similar to a mosh pit at a concert, but riddled with fear instead of elation — a crowd pushing and shoving, overcome with heightened emotion. But I found that the people around me, even when they were screaming and throwing eggs and other produce at the feds, would apologize if they even slightly jostled me. I did worry about being trampled one time, while standing next to an underprepared television crew that had come without gas masks and kept panicking throughout the night. When did a gathering turn into a riot? Were riots even real?

I started polling my friends on whether they’d ever witnessed something they could describe indisputably as a riot. Everyone I knew had only ever seen clashes with the police that were disputed as protests, riots, or uprisings. There was only one outlier: a friend of a friend, a European who had once been caught up in a soccer riot. Tear gas had been deployed, and instead of exacerbating things, the tear gas had worked. The two supporters’ clubs had disengaged and dispersed.

This revelation had me reeling. I had spent my entire adult life thinking that riot cops existed to fight protesters, and although I had long been critical of police brutality, for some reason, I had come to accept that there were two sides to a conflict and that the police would be one of those sides. I had forgotten that there could ever be domestic conflicts where law enforcement were not themselves belligerents.

The best high-end gas mask

The Good

  • Full face with excellent coverage and filtering
  • Military-grade
  • Comfortable
  • Adjustable straps don’t drag on your hair
  • Durable enough to survive a scuffle with a right-wing extremist, even if the bones of your hand do not

The Bad

  • Expensive
  • Filters not included
  • Can be heavy if you run it with two filters
  • You look like a character in Fallout 4

Mira makes the best masks that money can buy. Sergio Olmos, who has reported from both Portland and Ukraine, swears by Mira’s CM-6M specifically. Robert Evans of the Behind the Bastards podcast owns multiple Mira products and recommends all of them. His military-grade mask, he says, allows him to breathe while standing in “clouds of tear gas so thick I couldn’t see my hand in front of my face.” He also sometimes uses a Mira respirator. During a street brawl between hundreds of Portland leftists and right-wing agitators, Evans was “soaked to my underpants in mace” used by the right-wingers. “But thanks to the full face respirator I was never blinded nor was my airway constricted.”

I kept the gas mask long after I had filed my draft and the piece had run. It still got some use now and then, but as the protests petered out, I eventually put the gas mask on my bookshelf as a memento of a surreal era, and as a reminder that fascism lurked just beneath the surface of American civic life.

The longer I wear the gas mask, the more the rubber seal presses against my skin. When it’s tight, it’s uncomfortable; when it’s loose, it slowly drags down and chafes the skin. I hate that you have to lean in real close in order to talk to people; I hate the vague sensation of being trapped inside a fishbowl. I also strongly suspect that the mask is not adequate protection against the particulates in tear gas from a health standpoint — I didn’t have a normal period for six months after the 2020 protests.

But even if the mask wasn’t handling all of the particulates, I was pain-free while wearing the mask, and that was the most important part in a chaotic, low-visibility situation where I had a job to do. My body still remembers what it feels like to get tear gassed, and even the sight of a deployed smoke grenade will make me tense up. I have never coughed, cried, or thrown up while wearing the gas mask. In 2025, I took the gas mask off my shelf. It now resides in my reporting bag. Its presence there is reassuring; I know I can do my work even when trapped in a chemical haze.

Also a great choice

The Good

  • Full face
  • 3M manufactures a variety of filters

The Bad

  • Filters have to be bought separately
  • 3M does not provide product information on which filters are best for government repression
  • No one can hear anything you’re saying

Over the course of 2020, Suzette Smith (currently Portland Mercury) tried swimming goggles, “ski goggles with duct tape over them,” and other options before a reader gifted her a 3M 6800 Full-Face Respirator. “I’ve relied on those ever since,” she tells The Verge. Zane Sparling (The Oregonian) also uses a full-face 3M, which he says was the first option he found when he searched Amazon.

For a while, it felt like the world had forgotten about what happened in Portland in 2020, that this cataclysmic event over the course of four months that left so many of my peers battered both physically and emotionally had been memory-holed for being too heavy to grapple with. But as the feds surged into Minnesota, orchestrating an invasion bigger by several orders of magnitude, I realized that the past was not dead and buried. I could see the legacy of 2020 in photos from Minneapolis — the unmarked vans, the ICE agents dressed like right-wing militias, the protesters in gas masks and helmets. Even phone calls from other reporters asking what kind of gear I owned was a reminder that nothing is truly in vain.

The 2020 federal invasion of Portland ended with DHS withdrawing from the city — not because the protesters breached the walls or killed the feds or captured the castle, but because the protests simply refused to subside.

No matter how much tear gas the feds flooded into downtown, the crowds got bigger, not smaller. When the news of the van abductions spread, the protests swelled with people who looked like they belonged at an HOA meeting, rather than shoulder-to-shoulder with black bloc anarchists. Eventually, thousands would throng the park blocks in front of the downtown federal courthouse.

This was not a case of fans of rival football clubs getting too drunk and rowdy and then coming to their senses after a little jolt of weaponized capsaicin. Portland donned its gas mask and stood its ground.

As we’ve learned in the last year, Portland is far from unique. Cities across America have shown resilience and courage in the face of sudden abductions, unmarked vans, and masked agents. We do not have time to heave, cough, or weep — so we pull on our gas masks and walk forward into the mist.

What is tear gas for? It is for inciting riots. How did people go out and get gas masks? They ordered them online, because they do not want to riot.

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rocketo
1 day ago
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"A quality gas mask should last through normal wear and tear, like getting beaten or thrown around by the police. The materials of a gas mask are especially important if a federal agent grabs you by your hair."

one of those articles that just perfectly encapsulates the age it's written in
seattle, wa
acdha
1 day ago
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“I had forgotten that there could ever be domestic conflicts where law enforcement were not themselves belligerents.”
Washington, DC
sarcozona
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Imperial boomerang - Wikipedia

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Concept in political science

The imperial boomerang is the theory that governments that develop repressive techniques to control colonial territories will eventually deploy those same techniques domestically against their own citizens. This concept originates with Aimé Césaire in his 1950 work Discourse on Colonialism, where it is called the terrific boomerang to explain the origins of European fascism in the first half of the 20th century.[1][2] Hannah Arendt agreed with this usage, calling it the boomerang effect in The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951).[3][4][5]

According to both writers, the methods employed by Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party in Germany were not historically unique when viewed from a global perspective. Rather, the violence was an extension of the logic of European colonialism, which had resulted in the deaths of millions across the Global South for centuries. As such, the Holocaust and Nazi atrocities were only categorized as "exceptional" because they were applied to Europeans within Europe, rather than to colonized populations in Africa, Asia, or the Americas. This framework posits that the techniques of mass surveillance, forced labor, and genocide, previously perfected in colonial territories, were "boomeranged" back to Europe.[6] It is sometimes called Foucault's boomerang even though Michel Foucault did not originate the term.

According to Césaire, fascism resembled the cruel machinery of European colonization of Africa in the 1890s.[7] Aimé Césaire in 2003

In 1950, Aimé Césaire coined and described the term through his analysis of the development of violent, fascist, and brutalizing tendencies within Europe as connected to the practice of European colonialism.[8] Césaire wrote in Discourse on Colonialism:

And then one fine day the bourgeoisie is awakened by a terrific boomerang effect: the gestapos are busy, the prisons fill up, the torturers standing around the racks invent, refine, discuss. People are surprised, they become indignant. They say: "How strange! But never mind—it's Nazism, it will pass!" And they wait, and they hope; and they hide the truth from themselves, that it is barbarism, the supreme barbarism, the crowning barbarism that sums up all the daily barbarisms; that it is Nazism, yes, but that before they were its victims, they were its accomplices; that they tolerated that Nazism before it was inflicted on them, that they absolved it, shut their eyes to it, legitimized it, because, until then, it had been applied only to non-European peoples; that they have cultivated that Nazism, that they are responsible for it, and that before engulfing the whole edifice of Western, Christian civilization in its reddened waters, it oozes, seeps, and trickles from every crack.

— Aimé Césaire, Discourse on Colonialism (1950)

In the original French, Césaire did not use the term "boomerang" and instead wrote un formidable choc en retour—which can be translated literally as "a formidable shock in return".[9] In previous English translations, the phrase "terrific reverse shock" is used.[8]

In his 1976 lecture Society Must Be Defended, Michel Foucault repeated these ideas.[10][11] According to him:

[W]hile colonization, with its techniques and its political and juridical weapons, obviously transported European models to other continents, it also had a considerable boomerang effect on the mechanisms of power in the West, and on the apparatuses, institutions, and techniques of power. A whole series of colonial models was brought back to the West, and the result was that the West could practice something resembling colonization, or an internal colonialism, on itself.

Foucault's association with the concept has led to the term being referred to as Foucault's Boomerang, even though he didn't originate the term.[11]

Historians and social scientists have applied the concept of the imperial boomerang to analyse the transnational formation of security apparatuses, focusing on the effects of the United States' overseas empire. The imperial boomerang has been invoked to explain the ongoing militarization of police and their domestic deployment in response to political protest in urban centers.[12][13] Such deployment has proliferated worldwide,[14][15] considering that the globalization of militarized policing continues to be a crucial aspect of contemporary foreign policy of Western colonial powers such as the United States, whose early experiments with developing comprehensive coercive state apparatuses and counterinsurgency techniques began during the American colonization of the Philippines.[6][16][17] Focusing on how British and American colonial agents and dispatched military officials transplanted overseas counterinsurgency and police technologies back home, sociologist Julian Go argues:

We can better see how the history of policing is entangled with imperialism and recognize that what is typically called "the militarization of policing" is in an effect of the imperial boomerang—a result of imperial-military feedback.[18]

Some scholars suggest that the directionality of the imperial boomerang needs to be re-evaluated. Political scientist Stuart Schrader argues for a colony-centered explanation to the boomerang effect, especially in the case of the United States where imperial and racial violence predates the heyday of the American empire.[19] In her comments on Schrader's work, political scientist Jeanne Morefield writes:

Schrader's analysis goes a long way toward explaining the seemingly acephalic quality of American imperialism, a quality which contributes to its ongoing obfuscation. Behind the logic of "liberal hegemony" lies counterinsurgency and professionalized policing, modes of racialized power that structure the everyday lives of people in America and throughout the world while deflecting attention away from that power at every level.[14]

  1. ^ Chowdhury, Tanzil (June 2022). "The "Terrific Boomerang"". Goethe-Institut. Archived from the original on 17 July 2025. Retrieved 23 July 2024.
  2. ^ Cesaire 1978, p. 20. sfn error: no target: CITEREFCesaire1978 (help)
  3. ^ King, Richard H.; Stone, Dan, eds. (2008). Hannah Arendt and the Uses of History: Imperialism, Nation, Race, and Genocide. New York: Berghahn Books. ISBN .[page needed]
  4. ^ Owens, Patricia (2007). Between War and Politics: International Relations and the Thought of Hannah Arendt. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN .[page needed]
  5. ^ Rothberg, Michael (2009). Multidirectional Memory: Remembering the Holocaust in the Age of Decolonization. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. ISBN .[page needed]
  6. ^ a b Woodman, Connor (9 June 2020). "The Imperial Boomerang: How colonial methods of repression migrate back to the metropolis". Verso Books. Archived from the original on 29 March 2023. Retrieved 23 July 2024.
  7. ^ CHRISMAN, LAURA (2003). Postcolonial contraventions. pp. 21–22.
  8. ^ a b Cesaire 1978, p. 14. sfn error: no target: CITEREFCesaire1978 (help)
  9. ^ Césaire, Aimé (1950). Discours sur le colonialisme [Discourse on Colonialism] (in French). Paris: Présence Africaine (published 1955). p. 7.
  10. ^ Graham, Stephen (14 February 2013). "Foucault's boomerang: the new military urbanism". openDemocracy. Retrieved 23 July 2024.[dead link]
  11. ^ a b "Stephen Graham, Foucault's Boomerang: the New Military Urbanism (2013)". 27 January 2014.
  12. ^ Graham, Stephen (2011). Cities Under Siege: The New Military Urbanism. London; New York: Verso Books. ISBN .[page needed]
  13. ^ Go, Julian (16 July 2020). "The Racist Origins of U.S. Policing". Foreign Affairs. Retrieved 23 July 2024.
  14. ^ a b Morefield, Jeanne (June 2020). "Beyond Boomerang". International Politics Reviews. 8 (1): 3–10. doi:10.1057/s41312-020-00078-7. PMC 7399584. S2CID 220962507.
  15. ^ Schrader, Stuart (Fall 2020). "Defund the Global Policeman". n+1. No. 38. Retrieved 23 July 2024.
  16. ^ McCoy, Alfred William (2009). Policing America's empire: the United States, the Philippines, and the rise of the surveillance state. New perspectives in Southeast Asian studies. Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN .[page needed]
  17. ^ Makalintal, Joshua M. (May 2021). "Dismantling the Imperial Boomerang: A Reckoning with Globalised Police Power". State of Power 2021 (Report). Transnational Institute. Retrieved 23 July 2024.
  18. ^ Go, Julian (2023). Policing Empires: Militarization, Race, and the Imperial Boomerang in Britain and the US. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 17. ISBN .
  19. ^ Schrader, Stuart (2019). Badges Without Borders: How Global Counterinsurgency Transformed American Policing. Oakland, California: University of California Press. ISBN .[page needed]
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Palestinian journalist Bisan Owda with 1.4m followers reports TikTok ban | Israel-Palestine conflict News | Al Jazeera

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Award-winning Palestinian journalist Bisan Owda has said she has been permanently banned from TikTok, days after the social media platform was acquired by new investors in the United States.

Owda, an Emmy Award-winning journalist and contributor to Al Jazeera’s AJ+ from Gaza, shared a video on her Instagram and X accounts on Wednesday, telling her followers that her TikTok account had been banned.

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“TikTok deleted my account. I had 1.4 million followers there, and I have been building that platform for four years,” Owda said in the video filmed from Gaza.

“I expected that it will be restricted, like every time, not banned forever,” she added.

Al Jazeera sent a query to TikTok inquiring about Owda’s account.

Hours after Owda shared her video, an account that appeared to have the same username was still visible on TikTok in Australia – but not in the Middle East, when Al Jazeera checked in different geographies.

In her video on Wednesday, Owda pointed to recent remarks from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as well as Adam Presser, the new CEO of TikTok’s US arm, as a possible explanation for the ban.

Netanyahu met with pro-Israel influencers in New York in September last year, telling them that he hoped the “purchase” of TikTok goes through.

“We have to fight with the weapons that apply to the battlefield in which we engage, and the most important ones are social media,” Netanyahu, who is a war crimes suspect, said at the time.

“The most important purchase that is going on right now is … TikTok,” Netanyahu added. “TikTok, number one, number one, and I hope it goes through, because it can be consequential.”

TikTok announced last week that a deal to establish a separate version of the platform in the US had been completed, with the new entity controlled by investment firms, many of which are US companies, including several linked to President Donald Trump.

Owda also shared an undated video of Adam Presser, the new CEO of TikTok’s US arm.

In the video, Presser speaks about changes made at TikTok, where he previously worked as head of operations in the US, saying “the use of the term Zionist as a proxy for a protected attribute” had been designated “as hate speech”.

“There’s no finish line to moderating hate speech, identifying hateful trends, trying to keep the platform safe,” Presser said.

Zionism is a nationalist ideology that emerged in the late 1800s in Europe, calling for the creation of a Jewish state.

Owda’s social media presence grew from posting daily videos in which she greeted her audience, saying, “It’s Bisan From Gaza – and I’m still alive.”

She made a documentary of the same name with Al Jazeera’s AJ+, which was awarded an Emmy in the Outstanding Hard News Feature Story category in 2024.

Her video on Wednesday came as Israel’s top court again postponed making a decision on whether foreign journalists should be allowed to enter and report on Gaza independently of the Israeli military.

Despite the ongoing ceasefire, an Israeli attack last week killed three Palestinian journalists in Gaza.

According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, at least 207 Palestinian journalists and media workers have been killed in Gaza since October 2023, with the “vast majority” killed by Israeli forces.

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We're finally learning the true side-effects of weight-loss drugs | BBC Science Focus Magazine

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Whether you like them or not, weight-loss drugs have changed the world. Obesity levels in the US, which had been on the rise for years, are falling.

National spend on food has shrunk, fashion outlets are selling fewer XXL-sized clothes and, here in the UK, one supermarket has even launched a ‘nutrient dense’ food range, aimed at helping people on these drugs adapt to their reduced food consumption – smaller portions, with more macronutrients.

Ozempic has fast become the poster child of these drugs, despite not being officially approved as a weight-loss drug in either the US or UK (it was designed to help those with type-2 diabetes).

It falls into a class of drugs alongside Wegovy and Mounjaro (which are approved for weight-loss) that mimic the hormone GLP-1, which your body uses to tell your brain that you’ve eaten enough.

The key ingredient in these appetite suppressants is usually semaglutide, or tirzepatide in the case of Mounjaro, but each one acts in a similar way.

Hijacking this mechanism can help those with obesity lose weight. This is important because carrying extra fat is a health risk – it makes you more likely to develop several conditions, from diabetes to heart disease, and even cancer.

But like any world-changing technology, semaglutide drugs have their critics.

In this case, it’s health influencers leading the charge. They would rather you fast, switch diets, take up exercise or, better still, spend a nominal amount to join their online programmes and courses.

That said, with the widespread public adoption of these drugs in recent years, reports of side effects have begun cropping up. In some cases, semaglutide has led to malnutrition, gastric issues, mental health issues and eye problems.

On top of that, many people are beginning to question what happens after they’ve lost the weight – how can they stop taking semaglutides and keep the inches off their waistlines?

As we learn more about the drug in the long term, are we beginning to discover that these weight-loss drugs have a dark side?

To start with, the way in which semaglutide drugs like Ozempic and Wegovy cause weight loss can be problematic. A weekly dose of semaglutide not only suppresses your appetite, but also delays the rate at which food leaves your stomach, helping you to feel full for longer.

But having food stay in your stomach for a long time can be uncomfortable and cause side-effects such as nausea, vomiting, constipation or, in extreme cases, severe bloating.

According to Dr Vanita Rahman, the clinic director at the Barnard Medical Center in Washington, DC, gastrointestinal problems are the most common side effect of semaglutide.

“It’s like when you have a stomach bug and feel like the food is just sitting there,” she says. “It just doesn’t feel good.”

Other worrying side effects being reported are mental health problems such as anxiety, depression and suicidal thoughts. Psychological changes like these might be possible because semaglutide affects the brain as well as the gut.

The drug modifies the activity of brain cells that produce dopamine and serotonin, chemicals that contribute to feelings of pleasure when you eat. This helps reduce cravings for high-fat or sugary foods, making them less enjoyable to eat.

But interfering with the release of these chemicals could have a knock-on effect on mood. At the same time, rapidly losing weight can also affect your body image and, hence, your mental health.

A scan showing an eye and its optic nerveA scan showing an eye and its optic nerve. Users of weight-loss drugs have reported vision problems - Image credit: Getty Images

“A dramatic adjustment of body weight can trigger biological and psychological responses that can influence suicidal ideation,” says Amira Guirguis, a professor of pharmacy at Swansea University in the UK.

Guirguis and her colleagues conducted one of the first studies investigating whether there’s a link between drug-based weight-loss treatments and suicidal thoughts.

They analysed reports submitted to the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) related to reports of suicidal thoughts or self-injury while taking semaglutide or drugs with a similar active ingredient and found that there was a relationship between the two.

They didn’t find a causal link, however, and reports could be related to other factors such as taking a high dose or existing mental health issues, says Garguis. Results from other studies haven’t found a link between semaglutide and suicidal thoughts.

“There isn’t sufficient data or strong evidence,” says Guirguis. “Also, it’s very important to consider that these drugs have only been used for weight-loss management for a few years, so we don’t have enough information to look at people who have been using them long term.”

Guirguis and her colleagues have since investigated another potential side-effect being reported: eye disorders.

In work published in December 2025, they analysed whether there’s a link between semaglutide and over 260 eye disorders by looking at data from the FDA Adverse Event Reporting System.

“These included things that were very scary, ranging from eye swelling to blindness,” says Guirguis.

The team found a strong association between usage of semaglutide and a rare disorder of the optic nerve, called non-arteritic anterior ischemic optic neuropathy (NAION), which can cause sudden vision loss, usually in one eye.

Having diabetes is a risk factor for the condition: when blood glucose levels drop quickly, less blood reaches the front of the eye’s optic nerve head and can trigger the condition.

Semaglutide seems like it could have a similar effect in some people, especially if someone has a pre-existing eye disorder.

“Compared to our first study (on suicidal thoughts), there’s much stronger evidence,” says Guirguis. “However, to confirm these findings, we need studies in the lab because, at the moment, it’s (based on) reporting [from patients].”

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Apart from side effects, the use of semaglutide for weight loss raises other concerns. A clinical trial found that an average user lost about 18kg (almost 40lbs) after taking the drug for 68 weeks.

Although this is positive, another clinical trial found that weight loss plateaus at around 65 weeks.

Closeup photo of a pair of hands holding the Ozempic drugDespite only having approval for use as a treatment for type-2 diabetes, Ozempic has become the poster child for the latest crop of weight-loss drugs - Image credit: Getty Images

Furthermore, people typically don’t lose enough weight to reach a healthy body mass index (BMI) and remain in the ‘obese’ or ‘overweight’ categories. Only 12 per cent of users had a ‘normal’ BMI after using semaglutide for four years.

Experts also recommend that people continue to take semaglutide indefinitely to maintain their new weight. This is problematic since it has a high discontinuation rate, often because of side effects or the high cost of the drug.

When taken for weight loss, research has found that nearly 65 per cent of users of semaglutide (and similar GLP-1 receptor analogues liraglutide and tirzepatide) stop taking it within a year.

Furthermore, when people cease to take semaglutide, research has shown that they often quickly regain a lot of the weight they’ve lost: for example, more than 65 per cent of it one year after stopping.

The main issue, according to Rahman, is that semaglutide doesn’t address the underlying reasons that are driving people to consume more calories than they need.

For example, some people reach for ‘comfort food’, which is typically high in fat and sugar, as a way to cope with a stressful situation, or may overeat out of distraction when they’re in a hurry or doing something else.

Rahman, therefore, thinks that more needs to be done to educate the public about the causes of obesity.

“Nutrition plays a key role in its causation and a key role in its treatment,” she says. “Unfortunately, that’s starting to go by the wayside as people turn to medication.”

Photo of someone handing a bag of fast food to a driver in a drive-throughWeight-loss drugs don’t address the underlying issues that can lead to someone becoming unhealthily overweight, such as poor eating habits and nutrition choices - Image credit: Getty Images

When taking any drug, you need to consider whether the benefits outweigh the risks. Guirguis thinks that semaglutide’s adverse effects are comparable to what you would expect from any drug.

For most people, its side effects are expected to be mild and manageable, while the more serious ones, such as eye disorders, are rare.

However, Guirguis’s concern is that many people are now trying to obtain these drugs from unregulated websites.

“People need to understand that this carries significant risks because these products may be fake, they may be expired or they may contain unsafe or unknown ingredients,” she says.

Whether this class of weight-loss drugs truly have a dark side will probably only become clear in the future when there’s more data about their prolonged use. In the meantime, the best advice is to proceed with caution.

“Semaglutide needs to be prescribed to the right patient at the right dose with proper follow-up and support,” says Guirguis.

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