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Memo? No, you mo. – Diagram Monkey

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I find the wording of the Paris Agreement rather hard to keep in my head, but I do remember the bit about “in the context of sustainable development and efforts to eradicate poverty” and “in a manner that does not threaten food production” and, well, there’s something about climate too.

In the large and varied response to a memo by Bill Gates, I haven’t heard this simple fact mentioned. See e.g.

It seems relevant.

Gates’ memo – three tough truths about climate – is eloquently rebutted in the above essays (etc). You might not agree with them, but they add context that Gates left out and are all well worth a read particularly on the stuff that Gates gets wrong.

Gates has responded, sort of. And there was a panel thingy which responds to the responses and all that meta gubbins and then more responses and more. It’s all interesting, thought-provoking stuff.

The memo and some of the responses to it reflect one of the big difficulties with climate change which is the difficulty…

  1. of imagining this world as it is.
  2. of imagining a world very different from the one we currently live in.
  3. of imagining many worlds that are all very different from this one and each other.

The memo is predicated on a sort of techno-optimist view of the present projected out into the future; one where innovation saves the day (but only if it makes money), more energy use is always good, AI lives up to the hype, governments keep their promises about emissions reductions1 and the climate never swerves from the median of the projections. While the future will be warmer, it will – in this view – be warmer in a manageable way.

That this future might not be quite so rosy as it seems kind of forces its way into and back out of the text. “Some outdoor work“, Gates notes breezily, “will need to pause during the hottest hours of the day, and governments will have to invest in cooling centers and better early warning systems for extreme heat and weather events.

Equally breezy is

Every time governments rebuild, whether it’s homes in Los Angeles or highways in Delhi, they’ll have to build smarter: fire-resistant materials, rooftop sprinklers, better land management to keep flames from spreading, and infrastructure designed to withstand harsh winds and heavy rainfall.

Every time governments rebuild <gestures airily>

In another example,

What happens to the number of projected deaths from climate change when you account for the expected economic growth of low-income countries over the rest of this century? The answer: It falls by more than 50 percent.

and what about the other 50%, Bill? The idea, I suppose, is that if they can just make enough money, they’ll all be saved. It requires a certain optimism that the world in 2100 will be a better place than it is now. Given that the whole memo is predicated on a withdrawal of aid and everything that goes with that2, it’s more hope than prediction. Also, Gates says this is “deaths from climate change” but it’s not, it’s just temperature-related mortality – just one of the many ways that climate change might kill you – so there’s that too.

Lurking behind his “three tough truths” therefore is an even tougher one3 which is that we might be changing the world hugely and irrevocably and the consequences will be worst for the poorest and, because climate is everywhere always, there’s no escaping it. Climate sensitivity might be higher than the median4, tipping points might actually get tipped5. Even within the neatly circumscribed and well-behaved future Gates lays out, we still have to consider sea level rise that changes coastlines forever, flooding of megacities, and… pausing during the hottest hours of the day and fleeing to the cooling centres when the sirens sound.

I suppose Gates could come back and say that climate activists have failed to imagine the technical sophistication of the future and don’t give enough credit to the extraordinary capacity of human innovation and adaptability. He’s already suggested that his critics lack the imagination necessary to see that with the cuts in aid, “tough” choices need to be made, or to grasp the misery of the hundreds of millions living in extreme poverty around the world today.

This is where most of the criticism hits: Gates just accepts that there’s less money as if that weren’t something that could be changed, as if it had nothing to do with the concentration of the concentration of wealth in the hands of a tiny number of people like himself, people who see the world as something to be directed in their own interests. In this view, Gates gets maximum props for actually caring about poverty – widely considered a good thing – but it all happens within the sphere that treats hecto-billionaires as a good thing, a point on which there is far less agreement.

My favourite bit of Gates’ memo is the little epilogue about another memo he wrote concerning the need for Microsoft to embrace the internet. The memo is quite a read from the vantage point of 2025 but as a metaphor for the current situation, I guess it works just fine: a lack of actual vision coupled with various musing about how to grab as much of it as possible for himself, all of which led to nothing of actual lasting value6 and was, in fact, a template for the whole crappy tech hellscape we have today.

-fin-

* on the other hand, according to at least one study, you are less likely to be poisoned.

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sarcozona
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Literary Hub » Maybe Don’t Talk to the New York Times About Zohran Mamdani

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It’s remarkable, the people you’ll hear from. Teach for even a little while at an expensive institution—the term they tend to prefer is “elite”—and odds are that eventually someone who was a student there, who maybe resided only on the far periphery of your professional orbit, will become one or another kind of famous. At that point, out of the vast and silent ether, messages will come glowing into your inbox one after another. Do you remember this person? they will say. Was he your student? Did you work with him? We’re hoping for some insight—would it be possible for us to talk for a bit?

I taught at a place called Bowdoin College for 16 years, and during the last of those there was a student in attendance you’ve perhaps heard of. His name is Zohran Mamdani. And so, shortly after his startling, spirit-lifting victory in the primary last spring, the gentle flood of inquiries commenced. Word had gotten out not only that he went to Bowdoin—again, a very pricey, very wealthy, quite comprehensively the-thing-that-it-is small liberal arts college on the East Coast—but that, while there, he had majored in something called “Africana Studies.” You can probably see where this is going.

The first few messages wondered if I knew him (I don’t think I did, though I certainly had students who did, and do), if I taught him (possibly? but in truth not that I remembered), but mostly if I could say something about what he might have been reading and doing and studying, there in his time at this little college on the coast of Maine. More than once, the name “Frantz Fanon” was broached—which had the virtue of certain hand-showing clarity.

It gives me no joy to admit that there are certain kinds of professors who love little more than seeing their names in the paper. It’s not great, but there it is. (These are often the same sorts of people who will drop into an otherwise ordinaryish conversation phrases like, “No sure it’s like when I was teaching that big lecture class, to my students at Yale University…”) But I like to think even they would’ve been able to spot the coiled wires and rusty springs of this particular trap.

Beneath its humdrum requests, every email said more or less the same thing: Can you explain how reading certain things can turn a person into a socialist—and, possibly, a terrorist-sympathizing antisemite? It’s a storied gambit of the right at its most grimly predictable. “People read Foucault,” the redoubtable David Brooks once wrote, in an actual column that I’ve all but committed to memory, “and develop an alienated view of the world.” God, did I love this. An “alienated view of the world”! Not by, like, trying to pay rent or having an insurance claim denied—no, no, it was probably the Foucault you read in 2003. Anyway, it was clearly time to get the elaborate machinery of manufactured bewilderment and sour indignation up and running again.

The storied choice between socialism and barbarism was made exquisitely clear a good many years ago in the United States, and both major parties chose barbarism.

But then something strange happened. Some time after the initial rush died down, I got a message that seemed at least marginally less disreputable. A writer at the Times contacted me to talk. He said he was less interested in Mamdani himself than he was in the Africana Studies part—a department of which, for a handful of years back at Bowdoin, I was indeed chair. This was a kind of dilemma.

On the one hand, like a lot of my friends and peers I think it’s wise to decline speaking to the Times on principle. The reasons aren’t especially obscure: Palestine superabundantly, but also decades of hyper-sensationalizing crime reporting, the neverending centrist stooge’ing, all the unparody-able rest of it. On the other, though, this was not a request to write but to contribute something in the way of context, knowledge even, and I did in fact have some legit expertise on the question of Africana Studies, a discipline about which I have a lot of detailed, informed, enthusiastically ratifying things to say.

Then too there was a whole other set of incentives. It’s fair to say that, former student of mine or not, I’ve loved Mamdani’s campaign, and loved in particular the glad-hearted and admirably steady way he’s brought what not that long ago would have been absolutely ordinary social-democratic priorities (in respect to affordability, housing, health, food, education) back into the realm of mainstream political discourse.

For some time I’ve been saying that the storied choice between socialism and barbarism was made exquisitely clear a good many years ago in the United States, and both major parties chose barbarism. They are obviously and consequentially different barbarisms—one had reproductive freedom, vaccines, and trans health care in it, at least for a while—and I can tell you why I have sincerely preferred one to the other. But we oughtn’t to kid ourselves. From the perspective of a world of increasingly unimaginable maldistribution of resources, cascading ecological collapse, a genocide cheered on by a putatively liberal order, both are barbarisms. Mamdani seemed to me a small glimmering break in the wall of all that. A part of me wanted to do him a solid.

And so, after consulting with friends a little more media-seasoned than I, and exchanging some emails with the reporter laying out what I was and wasn’t interested in speaking about, I agreed to an interview. I did this because, in ways you might think I’d have outgrown by now, I’m a fucking idiot.

*

As it happened, the reporter and I never spoke. We made an appointment that he missed, and because my current job is something of a bureaucratic black hole, I wasn’t able to clear another time to talk. I did write him a longish message about Africana Studies, and he did speak with at least two of my former colleagues (who, bless them, acquitted themselves more than admirably). And he managed to write that story, which appeared in the Times less than a week before the mayoral election, under the anodyne title “How a Small Elite College Influenced Mamdani’s World View.” It’s a wreck, but of a form so pure, so purely Timesian, you almost have to admire it. It certainly is instructive.

Here’s the pitch:

Mr. Mamdani graduated in 2014 from Bowdoin College, in Brunswick, Maine, with a bachelor’s degree in Africana studies. And his experience there—readings of critical race theorists in the classroom and activism for left-wing causes on campus—is emblematic of the highly charged debate over what is taught in American universities.

Critics say the growth of these programs, which aim to teach about historical events from the perspective of marginalized and oppressed groups, has turned colleges into feckless workshops for leftist political orthodoxy.

“Critics say” is the tell, and does it ever go on telling. First, note that this criticism (“Majors like Africana studies, or any of its siblings such as women’s studies, these critics charge, promote a worldview that sees little to admire in American history. Some disparagingly call the entire field ‘grievance studies’”) gives to the article the whole of its contrapuntal structure of argument: these scholars and teachers say Mr. Mamdani’s education is substantial, yet critics say something else. But then note as well that this counter-position is substantiated, in its length and breadth, by: J. D. Vance and the National Association of Scholars (NAS), the former a man whose fervid anti-intellectualism needs no introduction, the latter a conservative 501(c)3 flush with money from the Olin, Bradly, and Castle Rock Foundations, and more lately affiliated with the Heritage Foundation and its delirious “Project 2025” document. The author refers to the group as “conservative-leaning,” which, ok. I guess you could say Latvia was a little antisemitic-leaning during the war.

What you get is a piece making the various more or less bovine noises of studious grey-lady impartiality, with the labor of anything resembling “appraisal” surgically excised.

It was this very NAS who, back in 2013, issued a white paper about the decadence and depravity of Bowdoin College particularly, clutching at pearls by the ropefull in objection to the college’s justice-forward curricula, its alleged diminishment of the classical virtues, the bare existence of something called “queer studies.” (Full disclosure: I was, in my full-throttle commitment to destroying those heralded civilizational virtues, also chair of the Program in Gay and Lesbian Studies for a while there.) It for sure made a sort of splash when it appeared, although the Times author does not note it did so chiefly by gathering around itself pleasing and extensive ridicule, most all of it on the grounds of being a bathetically unscholarly corporate-sponsored piece of risible chaff. The great Gawker headline summed it all up best: “Conservative Scholar’s Investigation Says Bowdoin College is Awesome,” it read, which I can say was much appreciated in the hallways of the college back then.

For all that, I read last week’s Times piece with a genuine sinking of heart, though not because it was especially unforeseen or even because it will have any serious effect, either on Bowdoin or on Mamdani himself, whose path to decisive victory went on quite undiverted. The gall, you could say, had a different savor.

When writing to a journalist friend, I just said that it’s a bit unravelling, right now, to be on the receiving end of this kind of belated real-time education in elite metabolization. Like so many other bits of Times coverage, the whole of the piece is structured as an orchestrated encounter. Some people say this; however, others say this. It’s so offhand you can think you’re gazing through a pane of glass. Only when you stand a little closer, or when circumstances make you a little less blinkered, do you notice the fact which then becomes blinding and finally crazymaking, which is just that there is zero, less than zero, stress put on the relation between those two “sides,” or their histories, or their sponsors, or their relative evidentiary authority, or any of it. Instead, what you get is a piece making the various more or less bovine noises of studious grey-lady impartiality, with the labor of anything resembling “appraisal” surgically excised.

One can take some comfort, I suppose, from the sense that, in this instance at least, the stakes were pretty low. Unlike the austerity-battered and enormous urban working-class university where I now teach, Bowdoin is a preposterously rich school, beloved by and to the planetary ruling classes, and they’ll be fine. Shed no tears for the place, or for what is functionally a bit of prestige-media advertising, unlikely even in its most churlish moments to discourage any of its chosen demographic from applying. As for Mamdani, he cruised to a victory that was no less resounding, and no less heartlifting, for being achieved in the teeth of so much unhinged hatefulness.

But that comfort wears thin pretty quickly, and I imagine you can see why. In contexts not concerning the elite private colleges of New England and their decades-old conflicts and syllabi and on-campus squabbles, this mode of prestige media procedure matters absolutely and enormously, at scales difficult to tabulate. It’s not hard to call them all to mind: “Climate change is increasingly lethal, though critics say… it is not.” Or, “Israel is murdering journalists in Gaza at historically unprecedented rates, though critics say… it is not.” Or, “Trans people claim to be real, though critics say…”

Every bit of this is disheartening on its face. But it’s actually worse than any first-blush irritation, that familiar annoyance that comes from encountering still another textbook exercise in witless triangulation. Because what this sort of reporting ultimately means is that if you have enough money to get somebody, anybody, to produce a white paper for you, which you can then put on some think-tank stationery? Then, my friend, you are ready to enter into the rushing current of elite reportage. For no matter how unhinged the position you’ve taken, or paid someone marginally credentialed to sketch out on your behalf—“Can Woman Think?: We Investigate,” “Is the Negro a Man: A Reconsideration”—that opinion will, by virtue of such provenance, possess all needed evidentiary gravity for the Times. And then some. (Only yesterday the Times ran this actual story, which is not parody.)

It’s all a bit humiliating—or it is for me. Because I did take time for this reporter, despite my misgivings. I even went so far as to write my thoughts out for him, on the chance they might be clarifying or useful. “The first thing to say,” I told him, “is that Africana Studies at Bowdoin is less a singular pursuit than a suite of scholarly disciplines, condensed around a set of objects and questions.” And then, warming to the pedagogical project, I talked about anthropology, art and architecture, music, religion, the history of science, whole grand traditions of invention and resolve. I talk about James Weldon Johnson, and Gwendolyn Brooks, and Charles Chestnutt, and Nella Larsen, and Hortense Spillers, and a good deal else and I mean… would you listen to how pathetic that all sounds?

I read it over now with this kind of full-spectrum cringe of the spirit. It’s the rattle of a person going on and professorially on, quite as if the substance of a discipline, or its intellectual trajectory, or even just the nourishing joy of sustained and serious study, mattered at all to the person he was talking to, or to the majestic institution he represents. And honestly, what could be more feeble?

It’s not that those things don’t matter: they absolutely goddamn do, and will keep on mattering, and I wouldn’t go on with the whole tedious business of teaching if I thought otherwise. It’s just that they never mattered much to the Times and they are, to appearances, mattering less and less by the day. I should remember that, and so should you.

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A tale of two visions for Canada's future - Ricochet

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This week, Canadians were presented a budget that went over like a lead balloon. No one from any corner of the political spectrum has described this as anything approaching visionary, as meeting the moment, or as a plan that Canadians can see themselves supported by and reflected in. With inequality at record levels, heading into a holiday season where food bank use is soaring, and with millions of Canadians feeling stretched if not struggling to cover the basics, this budget promises them essentially nothing. What it does do is simultaneously decide to provide tax relief to folks who are in the market for a new yacht, while cutting pension benefits for disabled RCMP personnel. And they say metaphor is dead.

Despite the government bemoaning the lack of necessary tax revenue while the ultra-rich pay just over half the effective tax rate the average Canadian pays, this budget neither generates needed revenue by increasing taxes on the wealthy and mega-corporations, nor reduces the tax burden on lower-income Canadians. Instead, the federal government’s new budget is the worst of both worlds, bleeding $58 billion from federal public services in order to continue the decades-long transfer of wealth to the top one per cent, paid for by the rest of us.

If Budget 2026 possesses any audacity, it is in daring to offer more to the wealthiest among us and to big corporations already raking in record profits, while demanding ‘sacrifice’ of everyday Canadians.

Within a matter of hours, focus shifted from what was actually in the budget to opposition MPs. Will enough of them find a way to support this budget — or at least find a way not to oppose it? Because if there is anything Canadians want less than this austerity budget, it is to be plunged into an exhausting, uninspiring winter election with the same players and the same options in front of us.

The federal government’s new budget is the worst of both worlds, bleeding $58 billion from federal public services to continue the decades-long transfer of wealth to the top one per cent, paid for by the rest of us.

It is in this national context that so many of us watched the New York City mayoral election come to a close that same night. In an election with the highest voter turnout since 1969, a New York State Assemblyman with a name most New Yorkers hadn’t even heard a year ago brought together a multi-ethnic, multi-faith, cross-generational coalition of working people and won on a clear platform of making life more affordable for everyone. 

He did this in spite of an enormous financial disadvantage, as a wide and cross-partisan array of billionaires and big money — including MAGA hedge funder Bill Ackman, billion dollar app Door Dash, billionaire Airbnb cofounder Joe Gebbia, and billionaire three-term New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg to name a few — spent millions of dollars in a last-ditch effort to beat him.In his victory speech, Zohran Mamdani spoke to the same paralyzing status quo we are facing here, citing fear “that we would be condemned only to a future of less, with every election consigning us simply to more of the same.”

Indeed here at home, it seems the only visions on offer are various combinations of the same policies and predilections that got us here. More cuts and constrictions on public services that we know help everyday people build prosperity. More tax giveaways for big corporations and ultra-wealthy people, on the hope that maybe this time they will lead to more investment, when a decade of evidence shows they have not. More of Canadians being extorted by corporations as we trade concessions for jobs, and then watch those jobs vanish anyway. More small ball, supposedly common sense measures to address overwhelming crises — and then, eventually the rolling back of those very same measures because they weren’t ambitious enough to earn any supporters.

In his victory speech, Mamdani spoke to the same paralyzing status quo we are facing here.

You can have your austerity fast or you can have it slow. You can have it in a strident adversarial package, in a package with dulcet tones and great hair, or in a knee-jerk nationalism that flickers like a mirage when you get too close. But what you can’t have — what is not on offer — is a vision that puts real, lasting, material changes to the lives of everyday people at the centre.

But in New York City, the beating heart of global capitalism, Mamdani broke through and won big by offering something different. In his own words, he presented New Yorkers with “a bold vision of what we will achieve, rather than a list of excuses for what we are too timid to attempt” and centred that vision on “the most ambitious agenda to tackle the cost-of-living crisis that this city has seen since the days of Fiorello La Guardia: an agenda that will freeze the rents for more than two million rent-stabilized tenants, make buses fast and free, and deliver universal child care across our city.”

This week, Canadians saw two ways forward. Two visions for what the future could be. The first vision is clear and present. We’ve not just seen this movie before. We’re living it. For over four decades, we have tried austerity and strangling public services. We’ve tried neoliberal economies built around corporate tax cuts, domestic monopolies, and the slow surrender of our sovereignty to American multinationals. It ends with stagnating wages, soaring cost of living, skyrocketing inequality, and crumbling public services. It ends with a country so sick of their options they’d rather ignore a budget that offers no help in a cost-of-living crisis than face another election.

It’s time for a different vision that actually addresses the most pressing needs of working people and begins to put them at the centre of their own economy. While many of these policies are already being applied successfully somewhere in the world, some may not be as successful as we hope. But it is clear that more than anything, what people want from their government is to at least get caught trying.

For an example of that new way forward, just look at New York. After all, if it can make it there, it can make it anywhere. 

Jared A. Walker is the Executive Director of Canadians for Tax Fairness, a non-profit, non-partisan research and advocacy group fighting for fair, progressive taxation. He is also the Vice Chair of the Broadbent Institute Board of Directors.

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OP: See how we chinese chefs fire up fresh dishes in the wok (cr 厨师姐)

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fuckyeahchinesefashion:

OP: See how we chinese chefs fire up fresh dishes in the wok (cr 厨师姐)

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Old fishing nets from France become vital protection against Russian drones in Ukraine | Ukraine | The Guardian

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In the fishing ports along France’s Brittany coast, the discarded fishing nets pile up along the coastal quaysides.

The lifespan of a deep-sea net is between 12 and 24 months, after which they become worn and beyond repair. Until now, the estimated 800 tonnes of nets scrapped every year have been a problem.

Now, the horsehair netting, once used to trawl monkfish from the sea bed, is being used for another catch: Russian drones.

The Breton charity Kernic Solidarités has sent two consignments of nets measuring a total of 280km to Ukraine to be used to protect soldiers and civilians along the frontline where fighting is fiercest.

Russia employs small cheap drones and fits them with explosives, directing them by remote control for distances of up to 25km. The Ukrainians use the nets to create tunnels in which drone propellers become entangled. It has been compared to spiders catching flies in a web.

“Over the last two years the war has mutated. Before we didn’t even think about drones, but now it’s a drone war,” Christian Abaziou, 70, who is responsible for logistics with Kernic Solidarités, said.

“The Ukrainians have told us they don’t need any old nets. They have been sent quite a few that are of no use. The nets we are sending are made of horse hair and used for deep-sea fishing to catch monkfish which are quite powerful and hit the nets with a strength similar to that of a drone.”

Fishing nets have been sent to Ukraine from France, Sweden and Denmark. Photograph: Sonia Bonet/Alamy

He added: “At first they were used by doctors protecting medical camps near the frontline but now they are being used on roads, bridges, the entrances to hospitals … it’s astonishing that something so simple works so well.”

Gérard Le Duff, the president of Kernic Solidarités and the grandson of a Breton fisher, added: “The Ukrainian ambassador came to Brittany and he thanked us for what we are doing.

“We don’t have a lack of fishing nets in this region. It’s a problem to know what to do with them as a couple of the companies that recycle them have closed. If they need them to create anti-drone walls and save lives in Ukraine, they can have them.”

Kernic Solidarités was set up after Le Duff and Abaziou were approached by local Ukrainians asking for help with clothing, food and medical supplies for communities back home. The charity’s 20 volunteers have driven two lorry consignments of aid 2,300km to Ukraine’s border with Poland.

“When we learned that Ukraine needed nets, the fishing community reacted rapidly,” Le Duff said.

Russia is using first-person view drones, similar to those on the commercial market, that can be piloted by remote radio control that are then packed with explosives. Russian pilots with real-time video feeds direct them to their targets. In some areas, Ukrainian forces say nothing can move without attracting the attention of swarms of “killer” kamikaze drones.

The fishing nets are stretched between poles to create netting tunnels or used to cover trenches and vehicles. Ukrainian drones are also equipped with pieces of netting to drop on enemy drones.

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By July this year Ukraine was dealing with more than 500 drones a day.

Hundreds of tonnes of old nets have also been donated by fishers in Sweden and Denmark.

Jean-Jacques Tanguy, a former president of the Finistère fisheries committee said local fishers are more than happy to help the war effort. “They are proud to know their used material is going to help save lives,” he told AFP.

Abaziou has said the association no longer has the funds to send more supplies this year and discussions were underway for Ukraine to send lorries to pick up the nets.

“We will help get the nets and load them but we don’t have the budget to continue running convoys ourselves,” he said.

Iryna Rybakova, a spokesperson for Ukraine’s 93rd Mechanised Brigade told Radio Free Europe anti-drone net tunnels were being installed across the Donetsk region, about 75% of which is now reported to be occupied and controlled by Russian forces. She added that enemy drone pilots were increasingly finding ways to breach the netting.

“Nets are not a panacea. They are just one element of protection against drones,” she said.

Abaziou, a retired market garden trader, said the Ukrainians he had met were moved by the support of Brittany’s coastal communities: “The fact that those in the fishing industry the other side of Europe are sending nets to help them defend themselves has brought a few tears to their eyes.”

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I Want You to Understand Chicago

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I want you to understand what it is like to live in Chicago during this time.

Every day my phone buzzes. It is a neighborhood group: four people were kidnapped at the corner drugstore. A friend a mile away sends a Slack message: she was at the scene when masked men assaulted and abducted two people on the street. A plumber working on my pipes is distraught, and I find out that two of his employees were kidnapped that morning. A week later it happens again.

An email arrives. Agents with guns have chased a teacher into the school where she works. They did not have a warrant. They dragged her away, ignoring her and her colleagues’ pleas to show proof of her documentation. That evening I stand a few feet from the parents of Rayito de Sol and listen to them describe, with anguish, how good Ms. Diana was to their children. What it is like to have strangers with guns traumatize your kids. For a teacher to hide a three-year-old child for fear they might be killed. How their relatives will no longer leave the house. I hear the pain and fury in their voices, and I wonder who will be next.

Understand what it is to pray in Chicago. On September 19th, Reverend David Black, lead pastor at First Presbyterian Church of Chicago, was praying outside the ICE detention center in Broadview when a DHS agent shot him in the head with pepper balls. Pepper balls are never supposed to be fired at the head because they can seriously injure, or even kill. “We could hear them laughing as they were shooting us from the roof,” Black recalled. He is not the only member of the clergy ICE has assaulted. Methodist pastor Hannah Kardon was violently arrested on October 17th, and Baptist pastor Michael Woolf was shot with pepper balls on November 1st.

Understand what it is to sleep in Chicago. On the night of September 30th, federal agents rappelled from a Black Hawk helicopter to execute a raid on an apartment building on the South Shore. Roughly three hundred agents deployed flashbangs, busted down doors, and took people indiscriminately. US citizens, including women and children, were grabbed from their beds, marched outside without even a chance to dress, zip-tied, and loaded into vans. Residents returned to find their windows and doors broken and their belongings stolen.

Understand what it is to lead Chicago. On October 3rd, Alderperson Jesse Fuentes asked federal agents to produce a judicial warrant and allow an injured man at the hospital access to an attorney. The plainclothes agents grabbed Fuentes, handcuffed her, and took her outside the building. Her lawsuit is ongoing. On October 21st, Representative Hoan Huynh was going door-to-door to inform businesses of their immigration rights when he was attacked by six armed CBP agents, who boxed in his vehicle and pointed a gun at his face. Huynh says the agents tried to bash open his car window.

Understand what it is to live in Chicago. On October 9th, Judge Ellis issued a temporary restraining order requiring that federal agents refrain from deploying tear gas or shooting civilians without an imminent threat, and requiring two audible warnings. ICE and CBP have flaunted these court orders. On October 12th, federal agents shoved an attorney to the ground who tried to help a man being detained in Albany Park. Agents refused to identify themselves or produce a warrant, then deployed tear gas without warning. On October 14th, agents rammed a car on the East Side, then tear-gassed neighbors and police.

On October 23rd, federal agents detained seven people, including two U.S. citizens and an asylum seeker, in Little Village. Two worked for Alderperson Michael Rodriguez: his chief of staff Elianne Bahena, and police district council member Jacqueline Lopez. Again in Little Village, agents tear-gassed and pepper-sprayed protestors, seizing two high school students and a security guard, among others. Alderperson Byron Sigcho-Lopez reported that agents assaulted one of the students, who had blood on his face. On October 24th, agents in Lakeview emerged from unmarked cars, climbed a locked fence to enter a private yard, and kidnapped a construction worker. As neighbors gathered, they deployed four tear gas canisters. That same day, a few blocks away, men with rifles jumped out of SUVs and assaulted a man standing at a bus stop.

“They were beating him,” said neighbor Hannah Safter. “His face was bleeding”.

They returned minutes later and attacked again. A man from the Laugh Factory, a local comedy club, had come outside with his mother and sister. “His mom put her body in between them, and one of the agents kicked her in the face”.

Understand what it is to be a family in Chicago. The next day, October 25th, federal agents tear-gassed children in Old Irving Park. Again, no warnings were heard. On October 26th, agents arrested a 70-year-old man and threw a 67-year old woman to the ground in Old Irving Park, then tear-gassed neighbors in Avondale. That same day, federal agents deployed tear gas at a children’s Halloween parade in Old Irving Park.

“Kids dressed in Halloween costumes walking to a parade do not pose an immediate threat to the safety of a law enforcement officer. They just don’t. And you can’t use riot control weapons against them,” Judge Ellis said to Border Patrol chief Gregory Bovino.

Understand how the government speaks about Chicago. On November 3rd, paralegal Dayanne Figueroa, a US citizen, was driving to work when federal agents crashed into her car, drew their guns, and dragged her from the vehicle. Her car was left behind, coffee still in the cup holder, keys still in the car. The Department of Homeland Security blamed her, claiming she “violently resisted arrest, injuring two officers.” You can watch the video for yourself.

“All uses of force have been more than exemplary,” Bovino stated in a recent deposition. He is, as Judge Ellis put it, lying. Bovino personally threw a tear gas canister in Little Village. He claimed in a sworn deposition that he was struck in the head by a rock before throwing the canister, and when videos showed no rock, admitted that he lied about the event. When shown video of himself tackling peaceful protestor Scott Blackburn, Bovino refused to acknowledge that he tackled the man. Instead, he claimed, “That’s not a reportable use of force. The use of force was against me.”

“I find the government’s evidence to be simply not credible,” said Judge Ellis in her November 6th ruling. “The use of force shocks the conscience.”

Understand what it is to be Chicago. To carry a whistle and have the ICIRR hotline in your phone. To wake up from nightmares of shouting militiamen and guns in your face. To rehearse every day how to calmly refuse entry, how to identify a judicial warrant, how to film and narrate an assault. To wake to helicopters buzzing your home, to feel your heart rate spike at the car horns your neighbors use to alert each other to ICE and CBP enforcement. To know that perhaps three thousand of your fellow Chicagoans have been disappeared by the government, but no one really knows for sure. To know that many of those seized were imprisoned a few miles away, as many as a hundred and fifty people in a cell, denied access to food, water, sanitation, and legal representation. To know that many of these agents—masked, without badge numbers or body cams, and refusing to identify themselves—will never face justice. To wonder what they tell their children.

The masked thugs who attack my neighbors, who point guns at elected officials and shoot pastors with pepper balls, who tear-gas neighborhoods, terrify children, and drag teachers and alderpeople away in handcuffs are not unprecedented. We knew this was coming a year ago, when Trump promised mass deportations. We knew it was coming, and seventy-seven million of us voted for it anyway.

This weight presses on me every day. I am flooded with stories. There are so many I cannot remember them all; cannot keep straight who was gassed, beaten, abducted, or shot. I write to leave a record, to stare at the track of the tornado. I write to leave a warning. I write to call for help.

I want you to understand, regardless of your politics, the historical danger of a secret police. What happens when a militia is deployed in our neighborhoods and against our own people. Left unchecked their mandate will grow; the boundaries of acceptable identity and speech will shrink. I want you to think about elections in this future. I want you to understand that every issue you care about—any hope of participatory democracy—is downstream of this.

I want you to understand what it is to love Chicago. To see your neighbors make the heartbreaking choice between showing up for work or staying safe. To march two miles long, calling out: “This is what Chicago sounds like!” To see your representatives put their bodies on the line and their voices in the fight. To form patrols to walk kids safely to school. To join rapid-response networks to document and alert your neighbors to immigration attacks. For mutual aid networks to deliver groceries and buy out street vendors so they can go home safe. To see your local journalists take the federal government to court. To talk to neighbor after neighbor, friend after friend, and hear yes, yes, it’s all hands on deck.

I want you to understand Chicago.

You can read more from my fellow Chicagoans.

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sarcozona
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Epiphyte City
acdha
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Washington, DC
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