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At Lady Violet’s | The Hudson Review
Wednesday November 20th, 2024 at 11:30 PM

The Hudson Review
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The Acceptance World . . . begins with a prophecy of a love affair, and ends with the ominous prospect of a break-up between the lovers. The first stitch of this pattern had been sewn in the opening chapters of . . . Dance, and threads of the same romance would suddenly glitter in all but one of the later volumes.[4]

In the 1970s my husband and I fell into the habit of stopping off for lunch at the Chantry on the way to stay with my parents in Bristol. These visits always followed the same routine. After lunch, we two would go for a walk round the lake, returning around four o’clock to find Tony installed on the chaise longue, and Violet seated bolt upright with a tea tray on the sofa beside the fire. They were engaged in the long conversation begun four decades earlier in Ireland, which had become a highly polished double act by the time we caught up with it in the drawing room at the Chantry:

Here they capped and recapped each other’s stories, checked dates and sources, bounced ideas, jokes and memories off one another. Their antiphonal exchange was so unlike anything I’d ever heard before that I jotted down a random scrap of dialogue:

TONY: Is it Ella Wheeler Wilcox? VIOLET: Or Robert W. Service?

TONY: Certainly not Robert W. Service.

It wasn’t always easy to tell if the characters darting in and out of the Powells’ lifelong conversation were real or imaginary. It was often just as hard to say if Tony agreed with Violet’s view, or if she were voicing his. He would start an anecdote which she corrected and he then continued, incorporating her twists, embellishments and polishings as he went along.[5]

That account comes from my life of Anthony Powell (published nearly ten years ago now), and the last sentence strikes me as probably a pretty accurate description of the way the Powells worked together on the Dance. Tony drove the novel forward, writing alone upstairs in the mornings at a small camp table in a spare bedroom. Next to his table stood a rising pile of earlier volumes of the Dance, which served him as a kind of reference library so that he could check up as he wrote on characters and events that had gone before. The books were small red-cloth hardbacks supplied by the publisher, William Heinemann, who regularly sent replacements as the originals fell to pieces, their pages thumbed, dog-eared and scuffed, their cloth bindings faded and spines cracked from constant heavy use.
 
Shortly after I’d first met the Powells, the new proprietor of The Spectator sacked the editor, so I resigned before he could sack me too. From then on I earned a relatively precarious living as a freelance book reviewer, a hard-up, hand-to-mouth existence as Tony knew better than most. He did what he could to help when he finished Hearing Secret Harmonies, the twelfth and last volume of the Dance, by asking me to make a book-length index to the whole series. “Indexers do achieve great power,” he said encouragingly, although the job sounded more like drudgery to me, but I had two small children by then with a third on the way, and I badly needed the money, so I agreed. I’ve often wondered if it was Violet’s idea to ask me to do it for the sake of the publisher’s advance. My Invitation to the Dance took a year to finish, coming out in 1977 as the thirteenth book in the sequence. Tony said that the whole enterprise would have been easier if only he’d had it on hand from the start.
 
Instead, he had Violet, whose memory was phenomenal, and who had acted throughout as a kind of human index or copy editor to the Dance, conflating, correcting and ironing out inconsistencies. I asked her once if her role was something like editing a film. “More like continuity,” said Violet. As soon as the draft of each new section was finished, she read it and picked it to pieces. By her own account, she was a first-class nitpicker. She compared herself to Ada Galsworthy, whose husband John read aloud to her each fresh instalment of his own inordinately popular serial novel, The Forsyte Saga, over a period of fifteen years. Galsworthy boasted that his wife was the best natural critic a man ever had. “I was the WORST natural critic a man ever had,” Violet said grimly, describing the process to me.
 
She also published a dozen books of her own, including four volumes of autobiography (five if you count her life of her grandmother, the Countess of Jersey), the Compton-Burnett Compendium, a similar handbook for Jane Austen, a pictorial album to accompany the Dance, and four biographies of little-known or forgotten women writers.[6] All but the first three of her books were written after completion of the Dance, which suggests the extent of her continuous involvement. John Powell told me that once he accidentally interrupted his parents at work. He’d opened the door of the drawing room to find his father taking one of his mother’s books apart with such methodical brutality that their son was shaken and shocked. “That was ferocious,” John said to his mother afterwards: “I never heard anything so excoriating in my life.” “You wait until I get going on your father,” said Violet.
 
It was the extraordinary power, energy and extreme subtlety of Powell’s imagination coupled with what he himself described as a cold, hard, almost mathematical intelligence that drove the novel forward. I was amazed by a glimpse of his makeshift writing room with its inadequate little table standing in the small empty area between the bed and the door, but in fact this apparently provisional arrangement perfectly suited the capacious, accommodating, open-ended nature of the Dance with its fluid perspective that enabled the narrative to contract and expand, moving forwards and backwards through time and space.
 
Violet was the pragmatic one of the two: humorous, skeptical, highly perceptive and inexhaustibly curious about human affairs. She also possessed very considerable reserves of energy that must have been called on to confront and contend with what her husband called accidie or “my awful bag of gloom.”[7] It was his constant lifelong companion, and Violet acknowledged as much in a passage describing how André Gide coped with his own recurrent overwhelming sense of “boredom, emptiness, monotony”[8] by somehow summoning the energy to write a book. Similar defenses “may sometimes have protected Anthony Powell during the writing of Dance,” Violet wrote without specifying “the emotions against which he had need to build the barriers adumbrated by Gide.” She meant presumably the onset of sloth and apathy, a state often rather glibly termed clinical depression today, suggesting a narrow medical diagnosis rather than the imaginative condition exhaustively explored in one of Tony’s favorite books, Robert Burton’s Anatomy of Melancholy, first published in 1621.
 
The Chantry stands in a depression or dip on the Somerset levels, an area regularly flooded, surrounded in winter by vast stretches of watery low-lying land under a rainy grey sky. Chantry lake, initially a muddy pool dredged and cleared by Tony himself, remained when I knew it always so marshy and treacherous in its further reaches that you could not even try to walk round it without rubber boots, preferably a billhook as well. The path down from the house became slippery and stony as it descended, bordered by patches of nettle, bramble and bog, twisted roots, rabbit holes and rocks. More than once I remember the rank smell of a fox. In my view this setting matched something at the deepest level in Powell himself, a kind of creative depression, which he partly exposed and brought to light in the monstrous human scrimmage pasted onto the walls, ceiling and pipework of the Chantry basement. Perhaps the black silt and sludge round the lake was another metaphor for that creative sludge, the deep dark inchoate recesses of intellect and imagination that fed into and powered the Dance.
 
Any typescript her husband produced alone upstairs in the morning, Violet scrutinized in the afternoon under a bright clear light. Long after his father’s death, Tristram Powell warned me not to underestimate his mother’s part in this process, insisting that his parents had worked on the Dance together and summing up what he meant in a phrase I didn’t fully understand at the time: “Her memory was the right arm, as it were, of my father’s imagination.”[9]

[1] Violet Powell, The Departure Platform (London, 1998), p. 4.
 
[2] For a more detailed account of house, garden, and grounds, see Hilary Spurling, Anthony Powell (London, 2018), pp. 323–326.
 
[3] Violet Powell, p. 46.
 
[4] Violet Powell, p. 18.
 
[5] Hilary Spurling, pp. 417–418.
 
[6] A Substantial Ghost: The Literary Adventures of Maude ffoulkes (London, 1967); Flora Annie Steel: Novelist of India (London, 1981); The Constant Novelist: A Study of Margaret Kennedy, 1896–1967 (London, 1983); The Life of a Provincial Lady: A Study of E. M. Delafield and Her Works (London, 1988).
 
[7] Hilary Spurling, p. 218.
 
[8] Violet Powell, p. 146.
 
[9] Hilary Spurling, p. 409.

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sarcozona
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Cormac McCarthy’s Secret Muse Breaks Her Silence After Half a Century: “I Loved Him. He Was My Safety.” | Vanity Fair
Wednesday November 20th, 2024 at 10:42 PM

Vanity Fair
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The letters during this period in the early ’80s are buoyant with pain and, McCarthy admits, resentment. “I have to confess that in a way I was hoping that I wouldn’t hear from you anymore,” one begins. “I have to confess too that there are times when I feel enormous resentment toward you […] Baby, there was nothing wrong with our love. You just threw it away […] I never hear that song I don’t start crying, ‘I never got over those blue eyes.’ I make lists of places in the world to go and things to do now that I have no responsibilities, but everything is just empty.”

We head back into the house. The windows wear the translucent paint of our reflections.

“Can I see some of the letters?” She reads through a few, twisting her necklace. “I hate to say it, but…I think Cormac really did love me.” We laugh.

“I had no family stability, I was homeless, I was vulnerable, I was young. I mean,” she pauses and screws up her face, “who could blame him?”

I know the muse well enough to identify one of her shock jokes.

“What a groomer!” she says, thrusting her hand up into the air, and busts out laughing.

There is a sense of heat ripple to the horizons of Britt’s life after the split, the kind of interstitial oblivions between novels in, say, a trilogy. In conversation we pass through gaps of haze and shimmer: She attends the University of Arizona. Plagued by her childhood trauma, she is interred in a psych ward where her uncle gifts her a Catholic medal of Stella Maris, a title for the Virgin Mary referring to her guidance and protection of seafarers. She works at bars, including Someplace Else. She becomes a nurse. She trains horses. She has a short marriage but never a love again like Cormac McCarthy. She deals, for the rest of her life, with severe depression and low self-esteem. She is, in her own words, “a lost soul.”

Throughout, she speaks to McCarthy multiple times a week and is visited by him regularly. Then, sometime in the ’80s, McCarthy sends her the manuscript for All the Pretty Horses. “The first thing I see, obviously, is the title. And I thought, Oh my gosh. I started reading it, and it’s just so full of me, and yet isn’t me. It was so confusing. Reading about Blevins getting killed was so sad. I cried for days. And I remember thinking to myself that being such a lover of books, I was surprised it didn’t feel romantic to be written about. I felt kind of violated. All these painful experiences regurgitated and rearranged into fiction. I didn’t know how to talk to Cormac about it because Cormac was the most important person in my life. I wondered, Is that all I was to him, a trainwreck to write about?

“I was trying so hard to grow up and to fix what was broken about me. I still thought I could be fixed. And this felt the opposite of fixing me.

“Cormac called me and said, ‘What did you think about it?’ And I said, ‘Well, I really liked the book. It’s beautiful. But my kitten, John Grady and everything. It feels weird.’ And he just laughed and said, ‘Well, baby, that’s what I do. I’m a writer.’ ”

When she broached Blevins’s death and how it made her cry for days, he said, “ ‘I knew you would. And I’m sorry.’ And I said, ‘Well, you could have let him live.’ And he said, ‘No, I really couldn’t.’ And I felt like I was about two years old for asking him this, but I said, ‘Well, you’ll still kill people for me though, right?’ And he said, ‘Yes.’ And that was enough.”

For the rest of his life, McCarthy would make visits every few months to Tucson and stay at the Arizona Inn. While the visits were made out of love and longing, they were always entangled with what felt to Britt like research. Like an artist visiting his subject for an extended portraiture.

One year when she was depressed, McCarthy came out and taught her stonemasonry in northern Arizona. Later that year, he sent her a draft of his new play called The Stonemason. When Britt was taming a crazed purebred Babson Arabian at Bazy Tankersley’s horse farm in the ’80s, McCarthy visited to watch her tame it and called her each night on the phone after he’d left to ask her about the horse. McCarthy himself may never have ridden, but the novels of The Border Trilogy teem with intimate knowledge about horses. They teem, too, with other impossible-to-realize 16-year-old love interests, such as Magdalena, the beautiful Mexican prostitute who steals John Grady Cole’s heart in Cities of the Plain. The list goes on, most painfully culminating in her portrayal as Alicia Western in The Passenger, though Britt never suffered from her doppelgänger’s hallucinations.

Sources close to McCarthy confirmed Britt’s role as his muse and love of his life. Michael Cameron is emphatic about Britt’s inspiration. “She was his muse, throughout. Throughout. She’s Alicia Western! There’s no doubt she was the love of his life and his muse. I mean, when you saw them together, they were so in love, just so in love with each other. Their time in Mexico was absolutely the inspiration for All the Pretty Horses, that impossible-to-realize love. I read one of the first typescripts of it, and I told Cormac it made me cry. There is no doubt about it. Cormac loved her and she was his muse. She was the truest witness of his life.”

These fictional uses of her life, however, often led her into deeper depressions, punctuated, she says, by two marriage proposals by McCarthy. The first, at the Gardner Hotel in El Paso, was made several years before McCarthy’s marriage to Jennifer Winkley in 1998. The second, at the Arizona Inn, at the time of McCarthy’s work on the Counselor screenplay. Both times McCarthy got cold feet. The second time he reneged after finding out Britt’s Catholic church in Tucson would not permit a marriage unless McCarthy made a Catholic confession, which he refused to do. The dialogue of his proposal to Britt in the Arizona Inn, she says, is exactly recited by Michael Fassbender and Penélope Cruz in The Counselor, to her shock.

“I intend to love you until I die,” Fassbender says. “Me first,” Cruz replies.

Outside of her time with McCarthy, it is difficult for Britt to give her life artistic resolution. Starting with All the Pretty Horses, she would look to McCarthy for that. “I always looked to Cormac’s books to see how I was doing.” She takes a comedic beat. “Which was usually dead.” In chronological order we have, at the very least: Harrogate, Wanda, John Grady Cole, Blevins, Alejandra, Magdalena, Carla Jean, Laura, and Alicia—who is dead of suicide in the opening italics of The Passenger. Only Harrogate seemingly makes it out alive, with his face averted into his own pale reflection in the train window taking him out of the novel. That sheer, ghostly reflection—in a sense, it’s how Britt sees herself in McCarthy’s mirrory prose, a ghost rising from the characters, the situations, the deaths, a ghost gaining some momentary purchase on herself. Her mission from the age of 11 was to be good, to survive, and yet McCarthy kept killing her. “I thought he must not believe in me,” she says. “It’s taken me decades to realize that maybe what he was doing was killing off what had happened to me. Killing off the darkness.”

A strange thing happens in McCarthy’s body of work after meeting Britt. It is visible at the tail end of Blood Meridian. Morality, not to mention commercial success, starts coming into focus. His worlds are still cruel and full of evil, but he begins writing about characters who display courage in the face of it, who, like Britt “try to be good.” Emulous characters, heroes even, who, beginning with the Kid in Blood Meridian, “had got onto terms with life beyond what his years could account for.” The person, the spirit he’s writing about, is Augusta Britt. Like Britt, his characters are “placed under an obligation. To survive and bear these trials with grace and dignity.” McCarthy would often tell his son John, when speaking of his own cold family and violently abusive father who would savagely beat him as a child, “ ‘The difference between you and me is that you were born a good person,’ ” John recounts to me. “ ‘I had to work hard to become one.’ ” If we take McCarthy’s fiction as a measure, being a good person seems much on his mind starting with All the Pretty Horses, the first of his works brimming in Augustal colors, created in that artistic wiggle room between frisson and fission. Being a good person seemed to be on his mind, too, when he took Britt, a victim of worse male violence than he was, away from the streets of Tucson.

But as his characters started becoming better humans, in Britt’s view, McCarthy, whom she always thought of as a great man, did not. As he dined with celebrities and reinvented himself in Santa Fe as a formidable intellectual—and a very rare intellectual: one who can learnedly contemplate quantum physics and work it into art, with mixed success—Britt thought he turned his back on his oldest friends.

“He felt he’d wasted the last years of his life,” Britt says. We’re up early enough to watch the sun unbraid the first permissive stars. Right before dawn the mountains look soft as dressfolds, and Britt is playing with the hem of her denim shirt. “He felt slightly exploited by the Institute crowd, and I never saw him cry, but we spent a few nights up in Globe together, right before he got really sick, and it was snowing and he started to get teary-eyed, and he told me he regretted all the years not being together.” McCarthy would go on to name Britt in his will, along with ex-wives Jennifer Winkley and Annie De Lisle, youngest son John McCarthy, and Chase McCarthy, whom he managed to fully reconcile with in his last years. John and his mother, Jennifer, cared for McCarthy in his final years and were there with Chase the day McCarthy died. The last words on his Olivetti Lettera typewriter read, “I don’t know, Frank, I say we just leave him hangin’ there.”

There is no gentle summer rain in Arizona. No poised and delicate thunderheads. Storms come with the shock and awe of violent reprisals. By the time you hear the dramatic throat clear of thunder, hail the size of baseballs is upon you. Seeing as it’s supposed to rain later in the day, Britt and I are heading over to the stalls to do as much as we can.

“All horses have two sides. Well, that’s a smart thing to say, of course they do,” she laughs, throwing her hands up in playful self-mockery. “But they have two sides to their brains, and they think and react differently on each side. The right side can spook at something that the left side walks by calmly every day. So that’s to say, you want to put the halter on on their left side. Here, you try.”

Unless I’m unusually timid, waltzing up to a horse I’ve never met before with daring nonchalance strikes me as a great way to get my head stove in, so I’ve been giving Scout a courteous distance. But Britt holds the looped purple halter out to me, inviting me closer.

“Oh, and don’t ever put your head above a horse’s. Horses have the quickest reaction time of any animal, faster than cats. They won’t ever mean to, but they can startle and raise their head so fast, it can knock you out or even kill you. So, no pressure.”

To tie a halter hitch, you’ve got to hug a horse. So I do, standing in the same direction as Scout and pulling the halter over his Roman nose until my right arm is gently wrapped under his neck. Lightly flicking the rope over the top of his head, our eyes are momentarily twinned in the same direction. There is an immaculate, glistening precision in the reflection of a horse’s eye. The level of detail is startling and strikes one at first, brimming over the pupils, of artistic imprecision, creative license. I can see the muse in it—the woman who taught Cormac McCarthy everything he knew about horses—smiling at me with a child’s wise innocence, and I shyly try the hitch, looping and cinching the purple.

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sarcozona
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“So I’ve decided I’m not going to be hit anymore,”

Making this decision is like walking off a cliff without knowing if you’ve got wings. And whether you fly or you fall, it’s the right choice.
Epiphyte City
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Housing Costs Drive Vancouver’s Living Wage Up Sharply | The Tyee
Wednesday November 20th, 2024 at 8:42 PM

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The 2024 living wage for Metro Vancouver has risen to $27.05 per hour, a 5.3-per-cent increase from last year.

This significant increase highlights the region’s deepening affordability crisis, fuelled by sky-high housing costs.

Living wages are also going up across the province as a new Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives report shows.

While inflation has eased from record highs, essential costs like rent and food continue to rise faster than general inflation.

Government initiatives such as increases to key income-tested government benefits, ongoing child-care affordability improvements and the rollout of the Canadian Dental Care Plan have provided some relief.

The savings, however, have been entirely consumed by soaring prices — especially for housing and food — leaving many households struggling to make ends meet.

What is a living wage?

The living wage is the hourly rate that each of two parents working full-time need to earn to support a family of four in Metro Vancouver. It ensures a family can afford necessities, support the healthy development of their children, escape severe financial stress and participate in the social, civic and cultural lives of their communities.

People who work for low wages face impossible choices — buy groceries or heat the house, keep up with bills or pay the rent on time. The result can be spiralling debt, constant anxiety and long-term health problems.

In many cases it means working long hours, often at multiple jobs just to pay for basic necessities. Parents end up having little time to spend with their family, much less to help their children with school work or participate in community activities, and we are all poorer for it.

The living wage is a powerful tool to ensure paid work results in a decent standard of living and enables a life that is about more than a constant struggle to get by. For low-wage workers, earning a living wage is a game changer. It means freedom from constant financial stress and an opportunity to plan for the future.

The widening gap between living wage and minimum wage

A strikingly large gap exists between the 2024 Metro Vancouver living wage and B.C.’s current minimum wage of $17.40 per hour.

The Metro Vancouver living wage has always been higher than B.C.’s minimum wage, but the gap narrowed considerably between 2018 and 2021 thanks to policy changes such as substantial minimum wage increases, the elimination of Medical Services Plan premiums, introduction of the BC Family Benefit and significant new federal and provincial child-care investments.

However, since 2021 soaring costs of living — especially for housing — have outpaced these affordability improvements. The gap has widened again, leaving many families earning less than it takes to get by.

Recent increases to the minimum wage have been welcome, but clearly far from sufficient and more must be done urgently to better support the nearly half a million workers in Metro Vancouver who earn less than the living wage. (That’s 37 per cent of all paid employees in the region).

What about other family types?

While the Metro Vancouver living wage calculation is based on the needs of two-parent families with young children, it is also meant to support all workers. This was the case when the B.C. living wage methodology was originally developed in 2008.

However, as governments have taken important steps to better support families with children in the last eight years, questions have arisen about whether this wage is sufficient for other groups like young adults and older workers.

This year, we produced preliminary estimates of living wages for two additional family types: a single working-aged adult and a single parent with a young child. These preliminary estimates suggest that the living wage for Metro Vancouver may not be sufficient to support a single person (who would need a wage of $27.36) or a single parent ($30.63).

However, in other communities with a lower cost of living, the living wage may be sufficient for other family types. Over the next year, we will refine these calculations in consultation with community partners, academic and policy experts, low-wage workers, unions and living wage employers to ensure a more inclusive methodology.

A living wage for all BC workers

The living wage movement calls on employers to pay wages sufficient to support families. And a growing number of B.C. employers are stepping up. Over 450 employers, including many small businesses, 10 municipalities, three First Nation councils and three school boards have committed to pay their employees and contractors a living wage. In 2022, YVR became Canada’s first living wage airport.

However, voluntary action alone cannot solve B.C.’s serious affordability crisis. Co-ordinated government efforts at all levels are needed to both lift wages and lower the cost pressures people face so that all workers can thrive.

As a start, the B.C. government should raise the minimum wage to $20 per hour to narrow the gap between the minimum wage and the living wage. This would benefit over 400,000 people of all ages, working in every region of the province.

In addition to higher minimum wages, B.C. workers need pay equity legislation, stronger protections from wage theft and other workplace rights violations and meaningful access to collective bargaining so they can exercise the right to come together to negotiate better wages and benefits if they so choose.

The provincial government should also establish a living wage policy for both its direct employees and contractors and encourage all public bodies to follow suit (like universities, hospitals and school boards).

Affordability depends not only on our earnings, but also on the benefits and government income supports we receive and the public services we can access.

More generous government transfers can put money directly into the pockets of low- and middle-income households, as provincial and federal child benefits do for families with children.

Government benefits could do more to moderate the increase in the living wage amid a sharply rising cost of living.

Many benefits, however, are clawed back steeply or eliminated at family income levels close to the Metro Vancouver living wage ($85,000 to $100,000 per year), which is considered too high for government support, yet in reality can barely provide a decent standard of living in B.C.’s largest urban centre.

Provincial and the federal governments must review all low-income transfers and credits regularly to ensure they are not clawed back at income levels that leave many families struggling.

In addition to direct government transfers, accessible public services and infrastructure can reduce out-of-pocket costs for families and thus lower the wage needed to afford a decent standard of living. These include affordable housing, universal access to low-cost child care, free transit for youth 18 and under and an expansion of publicly funded pharmacare and mental health services.

Without urgent government action to address the affordability crisis, the living wage will continue to climb. This means many B.C. employers will be unable to pay their workers a living wage, leading to thousands trapped with low wages and earning less than it actually costs to live in our province.

A co-ordinated effort to raise wages, expand public services and adjust government supports is essential to ensuring all B.C. workers can thrive, not just survive. [Tyee]

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sarcozona
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Government needs to go hard on building housing and active transportation - and busting grocery monopolies
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Casualties of the Russo-Ukrainian War - Wikipedia
Wednesday November 20th, 2024 at 8:24 PM

Wikipedia - Recent changes [en]
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Estimates of killed and injured during the conflict in Ukraine, 2014–present

Casualties in the Russo-Ukrainian War include six deaths during the 2014 annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation, 14,200–14,400 military and civilian deaths during the War in Donbas,[1] and up to 1,000,000 estimated casualties during the Russian invasion of Ukraine till mid-September 2024.[2]

The War in Donbas' deadliest phase (pre-2022) occurred before the Minsk agreements, aimed at ceasefire and settlement. Despite varied reports on Ukrainian military casualties due to underreporting, official figures eventually tallied, indicating significant military and civilian casualties on both sides. The war also saw a substantial number of missing and captured individuals, with efforts to exchange prisoners between conflicting parties. Foreign fighters and civilian casualties added to the war's complexity, with international involvement and impacts extending beyond the immediate conflict zones.

The subsequent Russian invasion of Ukraine further escalated casualties and destruction. Conflicting reports from Russian and Ukrainian sources indicated high military and civilian casualties, with significant discrepancies in reported numbers. Foreign involvement continued, with both foreign fighters and civilian deaths reported. Efforts to identify and repatriate the deceased, alongside the treatment of prisoners of war, highlighted the human cost of the ongoing conflict.

Main article: Annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation

During the Russian annexation of Crimea from 23 February through 19 March 2014, six people were killed. The dead included three protesters,[3][4][5] two Ukrainian soldiers[6] and one Russian Cossack paramilitary.[7] On 10 August 2016, Russia accused the Special Forces of Ukraine of conducting a raid near the Crimean town of Armiansk which killed two Russian servicemen. The government of Ukraine dismissed the report as a provocation.[8] Ten people were forcibly disappeared between 2014 and 2016 and were still missing as of 2017.[9]

Some of this section's listed sources may not be reliable. Please help improve this article by looking for better, more reliable sources. Unreliable citations may be challenged and removed. (February 2024) (Learn how and when to remove this message)
Main article: War in Donbas

The overall number of estimated deaths in the war in Donbas from 6 April 2014 to 31 December 2021 was 14,200–14,400. This included about 6,500 pro-Russian separatist fighters, 4,400 Ukrainian fighters, and 3,404 civilians.[1] This number includes non-combat military deaths, as well as deaths from mines and unexploded ordnance. The vast majority of the deaths took place in the first year of the war, when major combat took place before the Minsk agreements.

Breakdown Fatalities Time period Source
Total 14,200–14,400 killed 6 Apr. 2014 – 31 Dec. 2021 United Nations[1]
Civilians 3,404 killed (306 foreign) 6 Apr. 2014 – 31 Dec. 2021 United Nations[1]
Ukrainian forces
(ZSU, NGU, SBGS
and volunteer forces) 		4,400 killed 6 Apr. 2014 – 31 Dec. 2021 United Nations[1]
4,647 killed[a] 6 Apr. 2014 – 23 Feb. 2022 Museum of Military History[10][b][14]
4,854 killed[a] 6 Apr. 2014 – 23 Feb. 2022 UALosses project[15]
Pro-Russian forces
(DPR and LPR forces) 		6,500 killed 6 Apr. 2014 – 31 Dec. 2021 United Nations[1]
17 killed 1 Jan. – 25 Feb. 2022 DPR & LPR[16][17]
Russian Armed Forces 400–500 killed[c] 6 Apr. 2014 – 10 Mar. 2015 US State Department[18]

Initially, the known number of Ukrainian military casualties varied widely due to the Ukrainian Army drastically understating its casualties,[19] as reported by medics, activists and soldiers on the ground, as well as at least one lawmaker.[19][20][21][22] Several medical officials reported they were overstretched due to the drastic number of casualties.[19] Eventually, the Ukrainian Defence Ministry stated that the numbers recorded by the National Museum of Military History were the official ones, although still incomplete,[23] with 4,638 deaths (4,500 identified and 138 unidentified) cataloged by 1 December 2021.[10][b]

According to the Armed Forces of Ukraine, 1,175 of the Ukrainian servicemen died due to non-combat causes by 5 March 2021.[24] Subsequently, the military did not publish new figures on their non-combat losses, stating they could be considered a state secret.[25]

The following table does not include the 298 deaths from the shootdown of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 or the deaths of Ukrainian servicemen, which are listed separately.

Region Fatalities Time period Source
Donetsk region 2,420 civilians and DPR fighters killed[27] 6 April 2014 – 15 February 2015 OCHA
Luhansk region 1,185 civilians and LPR fighters killed[d][27] 1 May 2014 – 15 February 2015 OCHA
Donetsk region 4,374 civilians killed[31] 6 April 2014 – 18 February 2022 DPR
Luhansk region 2,269 civilians killed[32] 6 April 2014 – 23 February 2022 LPR

By 15 May 2016, the Donetsk region's prosecutors reported 1,592 civilians had gone missing in government-controlled areas, of whom 208 had been located.[33] At the same time, a report by the United Nations stated 1,331–1,460 people were missing, including at least 378 soldiers and 216 civilians. 345 unidentified bodies, of mostly soldiers, were also confirmed to be held at morgues in the Dnipropetrovsk Oblast or buried.[34] In all, as of late October, 774 people were missing according to the government,[35] including 271 soldiers.[36] By the end of December 2017, the number of confirmed missing on the Ukrainian side was 402,[37] including 123 soldiers.[38] The separatists also reported 433 missing on their side by mid-December 2016,[39] and 321 missing by mid-February 2022.[40]

As of mid-March 2015, according to the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU), 1,553 separatists had been released from captivity during prisoner exchanges between the two sides.[41] Subsequently, Ukraine released another 316 people by late February 2016, according to the DPR and other media reports,[42][43][44][45] while by September, 1,598 security forces members and 1,484 civilians had been released by the rebels.[46] 1,110 separatist fighters and supporters, including 743 civilians, were reportedly still being held by Ukrainian forces as of late March 2016, according to the DPR.[47] They updated the figure of separatist prisoners to 816, including 287–646 civilians, in December.[48][39] At the end of May 2015, the Ukrainian commander of Donetsk airport, Oleg Kuzminykh, who was captured during the battle for the complex, was released.[49]

In December 2017, a large prisoner exchange took place where the rebels released 73 out of 176 prisoners they were holding, while Ukraine released 306 out of 380 of their prisoners. Out of those that were released by Ukraine, 29 brought to the exchange point refused to go back to separatist-held territory, while 40 who were already previously released did not show up for the exchange. Meanwhile, out of those released by the rebels, 32 were soldiers. This brought the overall number of prisoners released by the rebels to 3,215.[37] Among those still held by the separatists, 74 were soldiers.[50] The number of released prisoners was updated to 3,224 in late June 2018,[51] while the number of those still held by the rebels was put at 113.[52] At the end of December 2019, a new prisoner exchange took place, with Ukraine releasing 124 separatist fighters and their supporters, while 76 prisoners, including 12 soldiers, were returned to Ukraine by the rebels. Another five or six prisoners released by the separatists decided to stay in rebel-controlled territories.[53][54][55]

Foreign volunteers have been involved in the conflict, fighting on both sides. The NGO Cargo 200 reported that they documented the deaths of 1,479 Russian citizens while fighting as part of the rebel forces.[56] The United States Department of State estimated 400–500 of these were regular Russian soldiers.[18] Two Kyrgyz and one Georgian have also been killed fighting on the separatist side.[57] Additionally, at least 262 foreign-born Ukrainian citizens or foreigners died on the Ukrainian side.[58] One of those killed was the former Chechen rebel commander Isa Munayev.[59]

In late August 2015, according to a reported leak by a Russian news site, Business Life (Delovaya Zhizn), 2,000 Russian soldiers had been killed in Ukraine by 1 February 2015.[60][61]

Further information: List of journalists killed during the Russo-Ukrainian War

At least 306 foreign civilians were killed in the war in Donbas prior to the 2022 invasion:

As a consequence of the conflict, large swaths of the Donbas region have become contaminated with landmines and other explosive remnants of war (ERW).[67] According to the UN Humanitarian Coordinator in Ukraine, in 2020 Ukraine was one of the countries most affected by ERW in the world, and had had nearly 1,200 casualties caused by mines or ERW since the beginning of the conflict in 2014.[68] A report by UNICEF released in December 2019 said that 172 children had been injured or killed due to landmines and other explosives.[69]

Main article: Russian invasion of Ukraine
Further information: List of notable deaths during the Russian invasion of Ukraine
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In September 2022, Russia's Ministry of Defence confirmed that 5,937 Russian soldiers had been killed in combat.[70] It also claimed 61,207 Ukrainian soldiers had been killed and 49,368 wounded by this point.[71] At the end of July 2024, Russia updated its claim of Ukrainian military casualties to more than 700,000 killed and wounded.[72] In addition, the DPR confirmed that by 22 December 2022, 4,163 of their servicemen had been killed and 17,329 wounded.[e] Subsequently, leaked US intelligence documents cited the Russian FSB that Russian forces suffered 110,000 casualties by 28 February 2023.[75]

According to BBC News Russian and the Mediazona news website, out of 78,329 Russian soldiers and contractors whose deaths they had documented by 15 November 2024, 5.5 percent (4,338) were officers, while 6.7 percent (5,252) were Motorized Rifle Troops and 3.9 percent (3,067) were members of the Russian Airborne Forces (VDV). In addition, 12.3 percent (9,620) of Russian soldiers whose deaths had been confirmed were people who were mobilized, while 18.3 percent (14,366) were convicts.[76] The BBC further stated that

The actual toll is likely much higher than can be determined through open sources. Military experts we interviewed suggest that our analysis of Russian cemeteries, war memorials, and obituaries may account for between 45% and 65% of the real death toll.

Thus, the BBC stated that the actual death toll of Russian forces, counting only Russian servicemen and contractors (i.e. excluding DPR/LPR militia), was 120,506–174,064 by mid-November 2024.[76]

Wagner PMC chief Yevgeny Prigozhin confirmed that his organization had lost over 20,000 troops killed by May 25, 2023.[77] He went on to claim that overall, the Russian military had lost 120,000 dead in Ukraine by late June 2023. He accused the Ministry of Defence of systematically downplaying Russian losses.[78]

Postage stamps depicting Russian soldiers killed in the Russo-Ukrainian War in 2022.

The Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) found that more Russian soldiers died in the first year of the war in Ukraine than in all its other wars since World War II combined, an average 5,000 to 5,800 soldiers a month, vs 13,000 to 25,000 in Chechnya over 15 years and 14,000 to 16,000 in Afghanistan. Thus, the first year of the Ukraine war was 25 times deadlier than Chechnya and 35 times more so than Afghanistan.[79]

Meduza, analyzing data on confirmed soldiers killed and data retrieved from the Russian probate registry, estimated 75,000 Russian soldiers were killed since the start of the invasion and by the end of 2023, a statistical estimate within a wide range of between 66,000 and 88,000 killed.[80] Subsequently, several months later, Meduza gave a new estimate of 64,000 soldiers killed in 2022 and 2023, based on excess deaths reported by Rosstat, including those in Crimea, but not other Ukrainian regions seized by Russia.[81] Using a similar analysis, but in addition using a statistical model of the ratio of total deaths to deaths confirmed by name, stratified by age group, and the Mediazona updated counts of named deaths, Meduza gave an updated estimate of total Russian deaths of 120,000 killed through to 30 June 2024.[82] Several days later, The Economist made its own calculation using the severely-wounded-to-killed ratio from leaked documents by the United States Department of Defense, giving an estimate of between 462,000 and 728,000 Russian soldiers killed or wounded since the start of the conflict. According to their estimate, approximately 2% of all Russian men between the ages of 20 and 50 may have been killed or seriously wounded in Ukraine since February 2022.[83]

Meanwhile, Ukraine confirmed it had 10,000 killed and 30,000 wounded by the start of June 2022,[84] while 7,200 troops were missing,[85] including 5,600 captured.[86] At the height of the fighting in May and June 2022, according to president Zelenskyy and presidential advisor Mykhailo Podolyak, between 100 and 200 Ukrainian soldiers were being killed in combat daily,[87][88] while presidential adviser Oleksiy Arestovych said 150 soldiers were being killed and 800 wounded daily.[89] Mid-June, Davyd Arakhamia, Ukraine's chief negotiator with Russia, told Axios that between 200 and 500 Ukrainian soldiers were killed every day.[90] By late July, Ukrainian daily losses fell to around 30 killed and about 250 wounded.[88] In August 2023, The New York Times quoted unnamed U.S. officials as saying that up to 70,000 Ukrainian troops had been killed and 100,000 to 120,000 wounded.[91][92][93] However, a new estimate by a U.S. official in October 2024, put the number of Ukrainian casualties at more than 57,500 killed and 250,000 wounded.[94] As of 25 February 2024, Ukraine confirmed 31,000 of its soldiers had been killed in the conflict.[95]

According to the UALosses project started at the end of 2023, found to be reliable by Mediazona, Meduza and the Book of Memory group, themselves also running projects tracking military fatalities in the conflict,[96][97] it had documented by name the deaths of 60,435 Ukrainian fighters as of 6 November 2024,[15] including non-combat losses.[98]

As of mid-April 2023, around 7,000 Ukrainian soldiers remained missing, of whom some 60-65 per cent were believed to be prisoners.[99] The number of missing was updated to 15,000 by early October 2023.[100]

Yuriy Lutsenko, the former Ukrainian Prosecutor General and member of the opposition party European Solidarity, said on Ukrainian television in January 2024 that around 500,000 Ukrainian soldiers had been killed or wounded, and that about 30,000 were becoming casualties every month.[101]

Ukrainian estimates of Russian military losses tended to be high, while Russian estimates of their own losses tended to be low. Combat deaths can be inferred from a variety of sources, including satellite imagery and video image of military actions.[102] According to a researcher at the Department of Peace and Conflict Research at Uppsala University in Sweden, regarding Russian military losses, Ukraine engaged in a misinformation campaign to boost morale and Western media were generally happy to accept its claims, while Russia was "probably" downplaying its own casualties. Ukraine also tended to be quieter about its own military fatalities.[103] According to BBC News, Ukrainian claims of Russian fatalities included the injured as well.[104][105][106] Western countries emphasized the Russian military's toll, while Russian news outlets have largely stopped reporting on the Russian death toll.[107] In early June 2022, the Svetlogorsk City Court in the Kaliningrad region ruled that a list of Russian soldiers killed in Ukraine, published by privately owned news websites, constituted "classified information" and its publication could be considered a criminal offense.[108]

Men from the poverty-stricken regions of Russia's Far North, Far East and Siberia were overrepresented among Russian war casualties.[109] Buryats, Kalmyks, Tuvans, Chukchi, and Nenets were reported as Russia's ethnic minority groups suffering disproportionately high casualty rates among Russian forces.[110] On the Ukrainian side, per UA Losses, as of 6 November 2024, the Dnipropetrovsk Oblast has the highest number of confirmed Ukrainian soldiers dead at 5,257, while the Kirovohrad Oblast has the highest confirmed death count per capita at 2.818 per 1,000.[111]

In terms of confirmed deaths of officers of both belligerents, according to groups collecting that information, 4,338 Russian officers had been killed as of 15 November 2024,[76] and 4,506 Ukrainian officers were dead as of 6 November 2024.[112]

According to NATO and Western military officials, around 1,200 Russian soldiers were killed or wounded in Ukraine every day on average in May and June 2024.[113][114] In July 2024, Chief of the General Staff of the British Army Sir Roland Walker said that with the current way of fighting, it would take Russia five years to control the four regions of Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson and Zaporizhia that Russia claims as its own, and it would cost Russia from 1.5 to 1.8 million casualties.[115] He said there are "no winners" in Russia's invasion of Ukraine, adding that "it is an utter devastation for both sides and lost generations."[116] By August 2024, the daily average of Russian military casualties in the conflict was about 1,000 soldiers, according to a Western official.[117]

The number of civilian and military deaths is impossible to determine with precision.[118][102] The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) considers the number of civilian casualties to be considerably higher than the one the United Nations are able to certify.[119]

Breakdown Casualties Time period Source
Civilians 12,000+ killed (confirmed),[f]
11,000 missing,
1,600 captive 		24 Feb 2022 – 17 June 2024
24 Feb 2022 – 5 Oct 2023
24 Feb 2022 – 24 Jan 2024 		Ukraine[120][121][122]
12,162 killed, 26,919 wounded
(confirmed minimum, thought higher) 		24 Feb. 2022 – 31 Oct. 2024 United Nations[123]
Ukrainian forces 35,000 killed (24,500 conf. by names),
15,000 missing, 3,400 captured,
90,000–100,000 wounded 		24 Feb. 2022 – 14 Nov. 2023 Museum of Military History[124]
(Book of Remembrance)
700,000+ killed and wounded
(5,962 foreign volunteers killed) 		24 Feb. 2022 – 29 July 2024 Russian Ministry of Defense[72][125]
80,000 killed, 400,000 wounded 24 Feb. 2022 – before Sep. 2024 WSJ citing confidential Ukrainian estimate[2]
57,500+ killed, 250,000+ wounded 24 Feb. 2022 – 10 Oct. 2024 US estimate[94]
60,435 killed (incl. non-combat,[98]
confirmed by names) 		24 Feb. 2022 – 6 Nov. 2024 UALosses project[15]
Ukrainian forces (ZSU) 31,000 killed,
<55,000 missing 		24 Feb. 2022 – 25 Feb. 2024
24 Feb. 2022 – 26 Sep. 2024 		Ukraine[95][126][127]
Russian forces 462,000–728,000 killed and wounded 24 Feb. 2022 – 5 July 2024 The Economist estimate[83]
115,000+ killed, 500,000 wounded 24 Feb. 2022 – 10 Oct. 2024 US estimate[94]
707,540 killed and wounded 24 Feb. 2022 – 9 Nov. 2024 Armed Forces of Ukraine[128]
700,000 killed and wounded 24 Feb. 2022 – 10 Nov. 2024 UK estimate[129]
141,506–197,564 killed 24 Feb. 2022 – 15 Nov. 2024 BBC News Russian estimate[76]
Russian forces
(DPR & LPR militia excluded) 		120,000–140,000 killed[g] 24 Feb. 2022 – 30 June 2024 Meduza estimate[82]
120,506–174,064 killed
(78,329 conf. by names) 		24 Feb. 2022 – 15 Nov. 2024 BBC News Russian &
Mediazona estimate[76]
Russian forces
(PMC Wagner) 		22,000 killed, 40,000 wounded 24 Feb. 2022 – 20 May 2023 PMC Wagner[130]
20,000 killed, 40,000 wounded 24 Feb. 2022 – 30 Nov. 2023 UK estimate[131]
Russian forces
(PMCs Wagner, Redut & others) 		13,084–19,978 killed
(conf. by names) 		24 Feb. 2022 – 7 Nov. 2024 BBC News Russian &
Mediazona[76][132]
Russian forces
(Donetsk & Luhansk PR) 		21,000–23,500 killed 24 Feb. 2022 – 30 Sep. 2024 BBC News Russian estimate[76]

By 31 October 2024, OHCHR had recorded 39,081 civilian casualties in Ukraine since February 24, 2022: 12,162 killed and 26,919 injured, but said they believe the real number is higher. This included 32,410 (9,547 killed and 22,863 injured) occurred on territory covered by the government of Ukraine and 6,671 (2,615 killed and 4,056 injured) on territory controlled by Russian armed forces or their affiliates. 10,404 deaths were caused by explosive weapons "with wide area effects", 407 by mines and explosive remnants, 1,351 by small arms, including from crossfire, or road accidents involving military or civilian vehicles.[123]

As of 30 June 2023, OHCHR said it had received information on 287 civilian casualties in Western Russia, with 58 killed and 229 injured, while six more were killed and 16 injured in the Republic of Crimea.[133] Another two civilians were killed and one injured in a Ukrainian drone attack on the Crimean bridge on 17 July 2023,[134] while five civilians were killed and 151 were injured by a Ukrainian missile attack in Sevastopol, in Crimea, on 23 June 2024.[135] Sergey Aksyonov, Russian-installed head of Crimea, also alleged that a Ukrainian attack on drilling platforms in the Black Sea near Crimea had left seven Chernomorneftegaz workers missing.[136] The 7x7 Russian opposition media outlet confirmed the deaths of 346 civilians in Russia by 29 August 2024, not including those in Crimea.[137] In addition, missiles struck the Polish border village of Przewodów in Lublin Voivodeship on 15 November 2022, and killed two Polish civilians.[138]

In April 2022, the civilian death toll included more than 200 children.[139] In March 2022, 55 of the war-related child deaths were from the Kyiv area and another 34 were from Kharkiv.[140] On 17 February 2023, the Ukrainian prosecutor general announced that at least 461 children had been killed since the start of the invasion, with a further 923 wounded.[141] Most of these child victims were from the Donetsk region.[141]

By February 2023, Ukrainian chief prosecutor for war crimes Yuriy Belousov claimed that "there could be 100,000 civilians killed across Ukraine, whose bodies will have to be found and identified once occupied territory is liberated."[142] A Project on Defense Alternatives study calculated a "modest" figure of 40,000 Ukrainian civilian dead by April 2023.[143] In May 2023, US officials claimed Ukrainian civilian deaths were at 42,000, twice the then-estimated figure for Ukrainian military losses.[144] According to the Kyiv Independent, Russia does not allow monitoring in territories it controls, where civilian deaths are thought to be highest.[145]

Area Fatalities Time period Source
Cherkasy Oblast 26 killed[A] 24 February 2022 – 31 December 2023 Ukrainian authorities
Chernihiv Oblast 725+ killed[B] 24 February 2022 – 19 August 2023
Dnipropetrovsk Oblast 171 killed[C] 24 April 2022 – 15 May 2024
Donetsk Oblast 26,896+ killed[D] 24 February 2022 – 30 March 2024
Kharkiv Oblast 1,699 killed[183] 24 February – 31 December 2022
Kherson Oblast 566 killed[E] 24 February 2022 – 30 May 2024
Khmelnytskyi Oblast 4 killed[F] 24 February 2022 – 27 February 2023
Kirovohrad Oblast 9 killed[G] 24 February 2022 – 4 January 2024
Kyiv 200 killed[229] 24 February 2022 – 24 February 2024
Kyiv Oblast 1,569 killed[230] 24 February – 2 April 2022
Luhansk Oblast 815 killed[231] 24 February – 31 December 2022
Lviv Oblast 22 killed[H] 18 April 2022 – 6 July 2023
Mykolaiv Oblast 413 killed[I] 24 February 2022 – 17 January 2023
Odesa Oblast 51 killed[J] 24 February 2022 – 2 March 2024
Poltava Oblast 22 killed[247] 27 June 2022
Rivne Oblast 25 killed[K] 24 February – 23 June 2022
Sumy Oblast 341 killed[231] 24 February – 31 December 2022
Vinnytsia Oblast 30 killed[L] 24 February 2022 – 14 March 2024
Volyn Oblast 8 killed[M] 24 February 2022 – 15 August 2023
Zaporizhzhia Oblast 88 killed[N] 24 February 2022 – 18 October 2023
Zhytomyr Oblast 283 killed[231] 24 February – 31 December 2022
Area Fatalities Time period Source
Donetsk People's Republic 1,752–5,090 killed[h][i] 26 February 2022 – 17 November 2024 Donetsk PR
Luhansk People's Republic 972+ killed[j] 17 February 2022 – 28 December 2023 Luhansk PR
Russian-annexed Kherson Oblast 41 killed[264] 6 June 2023 Russia
Republic of Crimea 8 killed[133][134] 24 February 2022 – 17 July 2023 Russia
Sevastopol 5 killed[135] 23 June 2024 Russia
Western Russia 346 killed[137] 24 February 2022 – 29 August 2024 7x7
Area Fatalities Time period Source
Lublin Voivodeship 2 killed[138] 15 November 2022 Polish government

At least 199 foreign citizens civilians from 24 countries are confirmed to have been killed during the war. Over 70 missing from Azerbaijan were also reported.

Country Deaths and missing Ref.
Azerbaijan 135 killed, 70 missing [265][266]
Armenia 18 [267]
Greece 12 [268][269]
United States 5 [270][271][272][273]
France 5 [274][275][276][277]
United Kingdom 4[k] [278][279][280]
Poland 3 [138][281]
Belarus 2 [282]
Turkey 2 [283]
Afghanistan 1 [284]
Algeria 1 [285]
Bangladesh 1 [286]
Canada 1 [287]
Croatia 1 [288]
Czech Republic 1 [289]
Egypt 1 [290]
India 1 [285][291]
Iraq 1 [292]
Ireland 1 [293]
Israel 1 [294]
Lithuania 1 [295]
Moldova 1[l] [296]
Russia 1 [297]
Spain 1 [287]

Paul Urey and Dylan Healy, two British aid workers, were captured by Russian forces.[298] Healy was charged with 'forcible seizure of power' and undergoing 'terrorist' training,[299] but later released on 21 September 2022,[300] while Urey died in captivity.[278] An American citizen was also detained by pro-Russian separatists forces and accused of 'participation in pro-Ukrainian protests'.[301] He was released on 28 October 2022,[302] and reached Ukrainian-controlled territory by 14 December.[303]

Excluding the Russian and Ukrainian military casualties, at least 1,017 combatants, foreign citizens or foreign-born, were killed during the war. By January 2023, another 1,000 had been wounded while fighting on the Ukrainian side.[304] Below is a list of the nationalities of foreign combatant casualties.

Country Deaths Allegiance Ref.
Ukrainian Armed Forces (618)
Afghanistan 1 Ukrainian Foreign Legion [305]
 Albania 4 Ukrainian Armed Forces [308]
 Argentina 1 Ukrainian Foreign Legion [309]
 Armenia 7 Ukrainian Foreign Legion [267][310][311]
 Australia 8 Ukrainian Foreign Legion [307]
 Austria 1 Ukrainian Armed Forces [312]
 Azerbaijan 57 Ukrainian Armed Forces
Georgian Legion 		[313][314]
 Belarus 65 Ukrainian Armed Forces
Kastuś Kalinoŭski Battalion
Pahonia Regiment 		[315]
 Belgium 1 Ukrainian Foreign Legion [316]
 Brazil 12 Ukrainian Foreign Legion [325]
 Bulgaria 1 Ukrainian Foreign Legion [326]
 Canada 12 Ukrainian Armed Forces
Ukrainian Foreign Legion 		[m]
 Chile 1 Ukrainian Armed Forces [329]
 Colombia 106 Ukrainian Foreign Legion
Sich Battalion 		[334]
 Costa Rica 1 Ukrainian Armed Forces [335]
 Croatia 1 Ukrainian Armed Forces [336]
 Czech Republic 4 Ukrainian Foreign Legion [337]
 Denmark 3 Ukrainian Foreign Legion [338][339][340]
 Estonia 3 Ukrainian Foreign Legion [341]
 Finland 5 Ukrainian Foreign Legion [342]
 France 10 Ukrainian Foreign Legion
Sich Battalion[343] 		[349]
 Georgia 79 Ukrainian Armed Forces
Georgian Legion
Sich Battalion 		[360]
 Germany 12 Ukrainian Foreign Legion [307]
 Greece 2 Ukrainian Armed Forces [361][362]
 Ireland 6 Ukrainian Foreign Legion [367]
 Israel 11 Ukrainian Armed Forces [379]
 Italy 3[n] Ukrainian Foreign Legion [381][382][383]
 Japan 1 Ukrainian Foreign Legion [384]
 Kazakhstan 2 Ukrainian Armed Forces [385][386]
 Latvia 1 Ukrainian Foreign Legion [387]
 Lebanon 2 Ukrainian Armed Forces [388]
 Lithuania 2 Ukrainian Foreign Legion [389][390]
 Mexico 2 Ukrainian Foreign Legion [391][392][393]
 Moldova 2 Ukrainian Armed Forces [394][395]
 Netherlands 2 Ukrainian Foreign Legion [396][397][398]
 New Zealand 2 Ukrainian Foreign Legion [399][400]
 Norway 2 Ukrainian Foreign Legion [401][402]
 Peru 7 Ukrainian Foreign Legion [403][404][405]
 Poland 14 Ukrainian Foreign Legion [406]
 Portugal 2 Ukrainian Foreign Legion [407][408][409]
 Romania 1 Ukrainian Foreign Legion [410]
 Russia 35 Ukrainian Armed Forces
Ukrainian Foreign Legion
Freedom of Russia Legion
Sheikh Mansur Battalion 		[431]
 Serbia 1 Ukrainian Foreign Legion [432]
 Slovakia 1 Ukrainian Foreign Legion [433]
 Spain 8 Ukrainian Foreign Legion [441]
 Sri Lanka 4 Ukrainian Armed Forces [442][443]
 South Korea 5 Ukrainian Foreign Legion [444][445]
 Sweden 10 Ukrainian Foreign Legion [455]
 Taiwan 3 Ukrainian Armed Forces
Sich Battalion 		[456][457][458]
 Tajikistan 1 Ukrainian Armed Forces [459]
 United Kingdom 26 Ukrainian Foreign Legion [481][482]
 United States 63 Ukrainian Foreign Legion [o]
 Uzbekistan 1 Ukrainian Foreign Legion [407]
 Venezuela 1 Ukrainian Armed Forces [486]
Country Deaths Allegiance Ref.
Russian Armed Forces (378)
Abkhazia[p] 15 Russian Army
Private military company 		[487]
 Armenia 1 Private military company [488]
 Azerbaijan 1 Private military company [488]
 Belarus 22 Russian Army
Private military company 		[494]
 Bosnia 1 Russian Army [495]
 Cuba 8 Russian Army [503]
 China 1 Russian Army [504]
 Egypt 1 Russian Army [505]
 Estonia 1 Russian Army [506]
 India 9 Russian Army [507]
 Iraq 1 Private military company [508]
 Japan 1 Russian Army [509]
 Kazakhstan 6 Russian Army
Private military company 		[515]
 Kyrgyzstan 26 Russian Army
Private military company 		[516][517][518]
 Lithuania 1 Russian Army [519]
 Moldova 28 Russian Army
Private military company 		[488][516]
   Nepal 43 Russian Army [520]
 Serbia 3 Private military company [521][522][523]
South Ossetia[p] 54 Russian Army [487]
 Sri Lanka 17 Russian Army [524]
 Syria 10 Private military company [525][526]
 Tajikistan 51 Russian Army
Private military company 		[488][506][518]
 Tanzania 1 Private military company [527]
 Turkmenistan 1 Private military company [488]
 Ukraine 27 Private military company [488]
 Uzbekistan 47 Russian Army
Private military company 		[488][506][518]
 Zambia 1 Private military company [527]
Donetsk PR forces (17)
Abkhazia[p] 12 Pyatnashka Brigade [487][528]
 Belarus 1 Pyatnashka Brigade [489]
 Colombia 1 Pyatnashka Brigade [529]
 Italy 1 Pyatnashka Brigade [530][531]
South Ossetia[p] 1 Pyatnashka Brigade [487][532]
 United States 1 Vostok Battalion [533]
Luhansk PR forces (4)
 Italy 1 Prizrak Brigade [534]
 Finland 1 Prizrak Brigade [535]
 Serbia 1 Prizrak Brigade [536][537]
 Slovakia 1 Prizrak Brigade [538]
Country Captured Allegiance Status Ref.
Ukrainian Armed forces (17)
 Belarus 2 Kastuś Kalinoŭski Battalion Prisoners [539]
 Colombia 3 Ukrainian Armed Forces Prisoners [540][541][542]
 Croatia 1 Ukrainian Foreign Legion Released [543][544]
 Georgia 3 Ukrainian Foreign Legion Prisoners [545]
 Israel 1 Ukrainian Foreign Legion Released [546][547]
 Morocco 1 Ukrainian Foreign Legion Released [543][548][544]
 Serbia 1 Azov Battalion Prisoner [549]
 Sweden 1 Ukrainian Foreign Legion Released [543][544]
 United Kingdom 4 Armed Forces of Ukraine
Ukrainian Foreign Legion 		Released [300][550][551]
 United States 2 Ukrainian Foreign Legion Released [544]
Country Captured Allegiance Status Ref.
Russian Armed forces (12)
 Cuba 1 Russian Army Prisoner [552]
 Kazakhstan 1 Private military company Prisoner [553]
   Nepal 6 Russian Army Prisoners [554]
 Somalia 1 Russian Army Prisoner [552]
 Sierra Leone 1 Russian Army Prisoner [552]
 Uzbekistan 2 Private military company Prisoners [555]

Two Colombians, two Peruvians, a Briton, a Czech and a Spanish foreign fighter were also reported missing while fighting alongside the Ukrainian military,[556] and 20 Kyrgyz went missing while fighting for Russia.[557] A Cuban fighting on the Russian side also said that a number of Cuban fighters had been killed or gone missing during the conflict as of September 2023,[558] while Russian sources presented the passport of an American fighter who was claimed to have either been killed or captured, although this was not confirmed.[559] In addition, Ukraine claimed six North Korean soldiers were killed in a missile strike in early October 2024, while fighting alongside Russian forces. South Korea's Defense Minister said of this report it was "highly likely" true,[560] while North Korea was previously reported to be sending military engineers to Ukraine to help Russia rebuild areas they had captured.[561] Russia denied the reports.[562]

Sergiy Kyslytsya, the Ukrainian Ambassador to the United Nations, announced on 27 February 2022, that the country had reached out to the International Committee of the Red Cross for help in the repatriation effort of the bodies of killed Russian soldiers.[563] Due to concerns that Russia was not reporting the number or any casualties of soldiers in Ukraine, the Ukrainian Interior Ministry began issuing appeals that same day for relatives of Russian soldiers to help identify wounded, captured, or killed soldiers. The initiative, called Ishchi Svoikh (Russian: Ищи Своих, lit. 'Look for Your Own'), appeared aimed in part at undermining morale and support for the war in Russia and was quickly blocked by the Russian government's media regulator the day the initiative began at the request of Russia's Prosecutor-General's Office.[564][103]

Ukrainian authorities began using facial recognition technology supplied to them by Clearview AI on 12 March 2022, to help identify the deceased, along with potentially using it to uncover Russian spies, vet people at checkpoints and potentially combat misinformation. The Chief Executive of Clearview claimed that the technology could be more effective than matching fingerprints or other identifiable aspects of the individual, although a study by US Department of Energy raised concerns about decomposition reducing its effectiveness.[565] Kyiv authorities have also reached out to the International Commission on Missing Persons, which was formed to help after the 1990s Balkan conflicts and the 1995 Srebrenica massacre, and identifies individuals by collecting DNA samples from the deceased and families to cross match. The organization will also document the location of the body and how the individual died.[566]

As Russian soldiers began to retreat the identification of the dead civilians who had been unreported due to communication issues and constant fighting began to be reported. Documentation and identification of the bodies began with many hastily dug graves and rubble being cleared away to photograph and identify the bodies as well as count the number involved. Handwritten tags and passports have been attached to the bodies after identification before they are taken by coroners and officials.[567] In some locations villagers kept track of the deceased, such as in Yahidne, a village north of Kyiv, where they used a school basement wall to write the names of the deceased while under Russian control.[568]

As of late May 2022, Ukrainian authorities had stored at least 137 bodies of Russian soldiers that were collected near Kyiv,[569] as well as 62 in the Kharkiv region.[570] During June, the bodies of 374 Russian soldiers were exchanged for the bodies of 365 Ukrainian servicemen between Ukraine and Russia.[571][572][573][574]

On 2 August 2023, an investigation by The Wall Street Journal found that Ukrainian medical amputations in the war came to between 20,000 and 50,000 including both military and civilians. In comparison, during World War One 41,000 British and 67,000 Germans needed amputations.[575]

See also: War crimes in the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine § Treatment of prisoners of war, and Torture of Russian soldiers in Mala Rohan

Russia claimed to have captured 572 Ukrainian soldiers by 2 March 2022,[576] while Ukraine claimed 562 Russian soldiers were being held as prisoners as of 19 March,[577] with 10 previously reported released in prisoner exchanges for five Ukrainian soldiers and the mayor of Melitopol, Ivan Fedorov.[578][579] Subsequently, the first large prisoner exchange took place on 24 March, when 10 Russian and 10 Ukrainian soldiers, as well as 11 Russian and 19 Ukrainian civilian sailors, were exchanged.[580][581][582] Among the released Ukrainian soldiers was one of 13 Ukrainian border-guard members captured during the Russian attack on Snake Island.[583] Later, on 1 April 86 Ukrainian servicemen were exchanged[584] for an unknown number of Russian troops.[585]

Ukraine's ambassador to the U.S., Oksana Markarova, reported that a platoon of the 74th Guards Motor Rifle Brigade from Kemerovo Oblast surrendered to Ukraine, saying they "didn't know that they were brought to Ukraine to kill Ukrainians".[586] Ukraine held a series of press conferences with about a dozen POWs, where the POWs made comments against the invasion, how they had been manipulated and for the conflict to end. According to The Guardian, while it was likely that Ukraine was using the discomfort of captured soldiers for propaganda purposes, still the videos succeeded in showing the Russian servicemen's "authentic sense" of regret for having come to Ukraine.[587] Amnesty International said that Article 13 of the Third Geneva Convention prohibits videos of captured soldiers.[588] Captured Ukrainian soldiers with British citizenship were recorded calling for Boris Johnson to arrange for them to be freed in exchange for pro-Kremlin Ukrainian politician Viktor Medvedchuk. MP Robert Jenrick called the videos, broadcast separately on Russia-24, a "flagrant breach" of the Geneva Convention. A Russian spokeswoman claimed that she told Johnson in a phone call about the men's treatment that the UK should "show mercy" to Ukrainian citizens by stopping military aid to the Ukrainian government when asked to show the men mercy.[589]

The head of the Ukrainian Coordination Headquarters for POW Treatment, Iryna Vereshchuk, raised concerns that Russia had not released information to Ukrainian authorities on the location of any Ukrainian POW's and the International Red Cross had not been allowed to see them, as of 16 March.[590]

By 21 April, Russia claimed that 1,478 Ukrainian troops had been captured during the course of the siege of Mariupol.[591] On 22 April, Yuri Sirovatko, Minister of Justice of the Donetsk People's Republic, claimed that some 3,000 Ukrainian prisoners of war were held in the territory of the DPR.[592] On 20 May, the Russian Ministry of Defense claimed that 2,439 Ukrainian soldiers had been taken prisoner over the previous five days as a result of the surrender of the last defenders of Mariupol, entrenched inside the Azovstal Iron and Steel Works.[593] On 26 May, Rodion Miroshnik, ambassador of the Luhansk People's Republic to Russia, claimed that around 8,000 Ukrainian POWs were held within the territory of the DPR and LPR.[594] According to a statement by Sergei Shoigu, Russia's Minister of Defence, in early June 2022, 6,489 Ukrainian soldiers had surrendered since the start of the Russian invasion of Ukraine.[595]

In a report by The Independent on 9 June, it cited an intelligence report that more than 5,600 Ukrainian soldiers had been captured, while the number of Russian servicemen being held as prisoners had fallen to 550, from 900 in April, following several prisoner exchanges.[86] In contrast, the Ukrayinska Pravda newspaper claimed 1,000 Russian soldiers were being held as prisoners as of 20 June.

According to Ukraine, as of 30 December 2022, 3,392 Ukrainian servicemen were being held by Russia as prisoners of war, while 15,000 soldiers and civilians were missing.[596] The ICMP also stated a month earlier that 15,000 people were missing since the start of the Russian invasion.[597] The following day, 31 December, 140 Ukrainian servicemen were released in a prisoner exchange, bringing the number of released prisoners from Russian captivity to 1,464 servicemen and 132 civilians.[598] As of mid-November 2023, according to Ukraine, 4,337 Ukrainians were still being held by Russia, including 3,574 soldiers and 763 civilians,[599] while by this point 2,598 Ukrainians had been released.[600] As of early June 2024, according to Russia, 6,465 Ukrainian soldiers were still being held prisoner in Russia and 1,348 Russian soldiers were prisoners in Ukraine,[601] while by this point 3,210 Ukrainians had been confirmed released.[602] By 18 October 2024, the number of prisoners released by Russia rose to 3,767,[603] including 161 civilians.[604] At least 800 Russian soldiers had also been confirmed to have been released by late February 2023.[605] In August 2024, between 247 and 594 Russian soldiers had been captured during fighting in Kursk Oblast.[606][607]

A study of Russian prisoners of war captured by Ukraine found that 55% of the soldiers had been motivated to fight to "improve their livelihoods", while 36% were ideologically motivated.[608]

Dates of
prisoner exchanges 		Russian POWs Ukrainian POWs Ref.
1 March 2022 1 soldier 5 soldiers [578]
16 March 2022 9 soldiers 1 civilian [579]
24 March 2022 10 soldiers, 11 civilians 10 soldiers, 19 civilians [582]
1 April 2022 Unknown 86 soldiers [609]
9 April 2022 Unk. soldiers, 18 civilians 12 soldiers, 14 civilians [610]
14 April 2022 Unknown 22 soldiers, 8 civilians [611]
15 April 2022 4 soldiers 5 soldiers [612]
19 April 2022 Unknown 60 soldiers, 16 civilians [613]
21 April 2022 Unknown 10 soldiers, 9 civilians [614]
28 April 2022 Unknown 33 soldiers, 12 civilians [615]
30 April 2022 Unknown 7 soldiers, 7 civilians [616]
6 May 2022 Unk. soldiers, 11 civilians 28 soldiers, 13 civilians [617][618]
10 June 2022 4 soldiers 4 soldiers, 1 civilian [619]
18 June 2022 5 N/A 5 civilians [620]
28 June 2022 15 N/A 16 soldiers, 1 civilian [621]
29 June 2022 144 soldiers 144 soldiers [622]
2 September 2022 Unknown 14 soldiers [623]
21 September 2022 55 soldiers, 1 civilian[q] 214 soldiers,[r] 1 civilian[s] [624]
30 September 2022 Unknown 4 soldiers, 2 civilians [625]
11 October 2022 Unknown 32 soldiers [626]
13 October 2022 10 soldiers 20 soldiers [627][628]
17 October 2022 30 soldiers, 80 civilians 96 soldiers, 12 civilians [629]
26 October 2022 Unknown 10 soldiers [630]
29 October 2022 50 soldiers 50 soldiers, 2 civilians [631][632]
3 November 2022 107 soldiers 107 soldiers [633]
10 November 2022 45 soldiers 45 soldiers [634][635][636]
23 November 2022 35 soldiers 35 soldiers, 1 civilian [637]
24 November 2022 50 soldiers 50 soldiers [638]
26 November 2022 9 soldiers 9 soldiers, 3 civilians [639][640]
1 December 2022 50 soldiers 50 soldiers [641]
6 December 2022 60 soldiers 60 soldiers [642]
14 December 2022 Unknown 64 soldiers, 1 civilian [643]
31 December 2022 82 soldiers 140 soldiers [644]
8 January 2023 50 soldiers 50 soldiers [645]
4 February 2023 63 soldiers 116 soldiers [646]
16 February 2023 101 soldiers 100 soldiers, 1 civilian [647]
7 March 2023 90 soldiers 130 soldiers [648]
3 April 2023 Unknown 10 soldiers, 2 civilians [649]
10 April 2023 106 soldiers 100 soldiers [650][651]
16 April 2023 Unknown 130 soldiers [652]
26 April 2023 Unknown 42 soldiers, 2 civilians [653]
6 May 2023 3 soldiers 45 soldiers [654]
25 May 2023 Unknown 106 soldiers [655]
8 June 2023 None 11 soldiers [656]
11 June 2023 94 soldiers 95 soldiers [657]
6 July 2023 45 soldiers 45 soldiers, 2 civilians [658]
7 August 2023 Unknown 22 soldiers [659]
3 January 2024 248 soldiers 224 soldiers, 6 civilians [660]
31 January 2024 195 soldiers 207 soldiers [661]
9 February 2024 100 soldiers 100 soldiers [662]
31 May 2024 75 soldiers 71 soldiers, 4 civilians [602]
25 June 2024 90 soldiers 90 soldiers, 10 civilians [663]
17 July 2024 95 soldiers 95 soldiers [664]
24 August 2024 115 soldiers 115 soldiers [665]
11 September 2024 44 soldiers 42 soldiers, 7 civilians [666]
14 September 2024 103 soldiers 103 soldiers [667]
18 October 2024 95 soldiers 95 soldiers [603]
  1. ^ Total of 26 reported killed:
    • 1 killed (24 February 2022)[146]
    • 1 killed (26 June 2022)[147]
    • 23 killed (28 April 2023)[148]
    • 1 killed (29 December 2023)[149]
  2. ^ At least 725 reported killed:
  3. ^ Total of 171 reported killed:
    • 1 killed (24 April 2022)[153]
    • 10 killed (27 May 2022)[154]
    • 7 killed (28 June 2022)[155]
    • 4 killed (15 July 2022)[156]
    • 2 killed (16 July 2022)[157]
    • 2 killed (19 July 2022)[158]
    • 11 killed (10 Aug 2022)[159]
    • 25 killed (25 Aug 2022)[160]
    • 1 killed (28 Aug 2022)[161]
    • 4 killed (18–22 Sep 2022)[162]
    • 3 killed (29 September 2022)[163]
    • 4 killed (10 Oct 2022)[164]
    • 2 killed (25 Oct 2022)[165]
    • 4 killed (16 December 2022)[166]
    • 45 killed (14 January 2023)[167]
    • 2 killed (28 April 2023)[168]
    • 4 killed (26 May 2023)[169]
    • 1 killed (4 June 2023)[170]
    • 11 killed (13 June 2023)[171]
    • 1 killed (25 June 2023)[172]
    • 1 killed (9 August 2023)[173]
    • 1 killed (17 August 2023)[174]
    • 1 killed (25 August 2023)[175]
    • 7 killed (29 December 2023)[176]
    • 2 killed (23 February 2024)[177]
    • 3 killed (12 March 2024)[178]
    • 8 killed (19 April 2024)[179]
    • 2 killed (15 May 2024)[180]
  4. ^ 26,896+ killed:[needs update]
    • 1,896 killed, excluding Mariupol and Volnovakha (30 March 2024)[181]
    • 25,000+ killed, Mariupol (Nov 2022)[182]
  5. ^ Total of 566 reported killed:
    • 439 killed in formerly Russian-controlled areas[184][185]
    • 1 killed (1 December 2022)[186]
    • 2 killed (12 December 2022)[187]
    • 3 killed (14 December 2022)[188]
    • 1 killed (21 December 2022)[189]
    • 13 killed (24 December 2022)[190]
    • 2 killed (4 January 2023)[191]
    • 4 killed (5 January 2023)[192][193]
    • 3 killed (15 January 2023)[194]
    • 3 killed (11 March 2023)[195]
    • 1 killed (27 April 2023)[196]
    • 31 killed by Russia's destruction of the Kakhovka Dam[197]
    • 1 killed (13 July 2023)[198]
    • 4 killed (31 July 2023)[199]
    • 1 killed (7 August 2023)[200]
    • 7 killed (13 August 2023)[201]
    • 2 killed (20 August 2023)[202]
    • 3 killed (29 August 2023)[203]
    • 1 killed (2 September 2023)[204]
    • 2 killed (30 October 2023)[205]
    • 1 killed (1 November 2023)[206]
    • 2 killed (2 November 2023)[206]
    • 1 killed (9 November 2023)[207]
    • 3 killed (13 November 2023)[208]
    • 9 killed (16-17 November 2023)[209]
    • 4 killed (23 November 2023)[210]
    • 1 killed (9 December 2023)[211]
    • 4 killed (24 December 2023)[212]
    • 3 killed (26 December 2023)[213]
    • 4 killed (5 February 2024)[214]
    • 1 killed (6 February 2024)[215]
    • 1 killed (9 March 2024)[216]
    • 1 killed (30 March 2024)[181]
    • 1 killed (19 April 2024)[217]
    • 1 killed (23 April 2024)[218]
    • 1 killed (29 April 2024)[219]
    • 2 killed (18 May 2024)[220]
    • 1 killed (20 May 2024)[221]
    • 1 killed (30 May 2024)[222]
  6. ^ Total of 4 reported killed:
    • 1 killed (31 December 2022)[223]
    • 1 killed (23 February 2023)[224]
    • 2 killed (27 February 2023)[225]
  7. ^ Total of 9 reported killed:
    • 3 killed (23 July 2022)[226]
    • 5 killed (28 July 2022)[227]
    • 1 killed (4 January 2024)[228]
  8. ^ Total of 22 reported killed:
    • 7 killed (18 April 2022)[232]
    • 5 killed (9 March 2023)[233]
    • 10 killed (6 July 2023)[234]
  9. ^ Total of 413 reported killed:
    • 403 killed as of 2 August 2022[235]
    • 9 killed (11 November 2022)[236]
    • 1 killed (17 January 2023)[237]
  10. ^ Total of 51 reported killed:
    • 1 killed (3 March 2022)[238]
    • 8 killed (24 April 2022)[239]
    • 1 killed (11 May 2022)[240]
    • 22 killed (1 July 2022)[241]
    • 1 killed (23 September 2022)[242]
    • 1 killed (18 May 2023)[243]
    • 1 killed (23 July 2023)[244]
    • 4 killed (29 December 2023)[245]
    • 12 killed (2 March 2024)[246]
  11. ^ Total of 25 reported killed:
    • 21 killed (15 March 2022)[248]
    • 4 killed (23 June 2022)[249]
  12. ^ Total of 30 reported killed:
    • 6 killed (6 March 2022)[250]
    • 23 killed (14 July 2022)[251]
    • 1 killed (14 March 2024)[252]
  13. ^ Total of 8 reported killed:
    • 4 killed (11 March 2022)[253]
    • 1 killed (25 July 2022)[254]
    • 3 killed (15 August 2023)[255]
  14. ^ Total of 88 reported killed:
    • 66 killed in 2022[231]
    • 4 killed (1-9 Jan 2023)[256]
    • 13 killed (2 March 2023)[257]
    • 5 killed (18 October 2023)[258]
  1. ^ a b The number of Ukrainian soldiers killed includes the deaths of two servicemen during the Annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation.
  2. ^ a b The Museum of Military History also lists separately 138 currently unidentified soldiers who were killed: 65 at Krasnopolye cemetery,[11] 63 at Kushugum cemetery,[12] and 10 at Starobilsk cemetery.[13]
  3. ^ The deaths of the Russian soldiers have not been confirmed by their government and have possibly been included in the toll of dead rebel fighters.
  4. ^ Out of the 1,185 civilians and militants killed in the Luhansk region by 15 February 2015,[27] 456 were civilians who died by 29 October.[28] In addition, 526 of the civilians and militants died in Luhansk city alone by 11 September,[29] of which 300 were confirmed as civilians by 31 August.[30]
  5. ^ The DPR stated 4,176 of its servicemen had been killed and 17,379 wounded between 1 January and 22 December 2022,[73][74] of which 13 died and 50 were wounded between 1 January and 25 February 2022,[16] leaving a total of 4,163 killed and 17,329 wounded in the period of the Russian invasion.
  6. ^ See table here for a detailed breakdown of civilian deaths by oblast, according to Ukrainian authorities.
  7. ^ For other Meduza estimations, see here.
  8. ^ The DPR stated 1,760 of its civilians were killed in its territories between 1 January 2022 and 17 November 2024,[259] of which 8 died between 1 January and 25 February 2022,[16] leaving a total of 1,752 killed in the period of the Russian invasion.
  9. ^ The JCCC stated that 5,090 civilians had been killed since the start of the invasion by 7 October 2024:[260] 831 within the original borders of the DPR, and 3,831 killed in the areas since occupied by the DPR as of 29 August 2023.[261]
  10. ^ The LPR stated that more than 900 civilians had been killed since the start of the invasion by 31 December 2022, both in the original borders of the LPR, and the areas since occupied by the LPR,[32] and including 169 deaths in Ukrainian artillery strikes on LPR territory.[262] In addition, according to the LPR, 72 more civilians were killed in artillery strikes in 2023,[263] leaving a total of more than 972 civilians deaths in LPR-controlled territories since the start of the invasion<
  11. ^ Aid worker Paul Urey was captured by Russian forces on 29 April 2022 and died in detention on 15 July 2022. Aid workers Chris Parry and Andrew Bagshaw were killed in Bakhmut, the latter held dual UK and New Zealand citizenship.
  12. ^ Killed by a quadcopter that dropped an explosive device on a vehicle at the Troebortnoye border checkpoint, in Russia's Bryansk Region
  13. ^ By 23 July 2024, 13 Canadian nationals had been killed in Ukraine,[327] including one aid worker.[328]
  14. ^ A killed Italian citizen was initially reported as Dutch[380] because he had lived for several years in the Netherlands.[381]
  15. ^ By 8 April 2024,[483] 53 Americans had been confirmed killed in Ukraine, including five civilians.[484] Subsequently, 15 more American fighters were reported killed,[485] bringing the confirmed total of fighters killed to 63.
  16. ^ a b c d Both Abkhazia and South Ossetia are generally recognised as part of the sovereign territory of Georgia.
  17. ^ pro-Russian politician Viktor Medvedchuk
  18. ^ Includes soldiers, border guards, police officers and 9 foreign fighters from the International Legion of Territorial Defense of Ukraine
  19. ^ British aid worker.[300]
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    Кавказький 🛡️легіон
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Media related to Casualties of the War in Donbas at Wikimedia Commons

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Hundreds of thousands dead. What a goddamn waste.
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Daniel Carkner🥀 (@carkner@historians.social)
Wednesday November 20th, 2024 at 5:48 PM

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Jews struggle with how to react to seeing keffiyehs in public - Jewish Telegraphic Agency
Wednesday November 20th, 2024 at 5:47 PM

Jewish Telegraphic Agency
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The new banners hanging outside a public building in Chapel Hill, North Carolina, channeled the college town’s history of progressive activism.

One depicted a member of the Chapel Hill Nine, Black activists whose 1960 sit-in at a local lunch counter kicked off protests in favor of racial integration. Another showed a raised fist. A third portrayed a college graduate, clad in the trademark blue of the University of North Carolina, under the words “Good Trouble” — a reference to the famous call to action against injustice from the civil rights hero John Lewis.

For some locals, though, the most eye-catching element of the display, installed earlier this month at Chapel Hill’s Peace and Justice Plaza, was a patch of black-and-white squares drawn over the graduation gown. They recognized it immediately as a keffiyeh, a traditional Palestinian headscarf that has been adopted by protesters on the left, and they saw it as a threat.

“This banner, supporting the student protests, is essentially equating Good Trouble with support for Hamas terrorists going on a murderous rampage, torturing, gang raping, and murdering men, women, and children in their homes in grisly fashion,” Kathy Kaufman, a member of a local Reconstructionist synagogue, wrote to the city.

To Kaufman, who chairs Kehillah Synagogue’s social action committee, and to others in town, the presence of the keffiyeh together with the UNC colors sent a clear message. The banner, and by extent the city, seemed to be endorsing the pro-Palestinian student protesters from the past year. According to Kaufman, some of those “vociferous” protesters began lobbying against Israel in the days after Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel; some, she said, openly supported Hamas.

A Chapel Hill native, Keith Siegel, was taken hostage on Oct. 7 and remains held by Hamas.

Kaufman and others in town mounted a letter-writing and advocacy campaign with a single goal.

“What we’re asking is that the banner be taken down,” Kaufman said in an interview on Tuesday. “It’s insulting to us.”

The next day, Chapel Hill acceded to their requests, taking all three banners down. “While I strongly feel that public art should be thought-provoking, I don’t believe it should cause harm,” Chris Blue, the town manager, said in a statement. “And right now, this piece is causing harm.”

The banner brouhaha in Chapel Hill adds to a growing number of instances where the presence of keffiyehs has elicited a sharp reaction from Jews who see them on TV, in grocery stores and on the streets. The keffiyeh’s increasing ubiquitousness has turned up the heat on a simmering cultural debate: More than a year after Oct. 7, should Jews feel threatened by the sight of a person wearing one?

A mural of Anne Frank wearing a keffiyeh on a street corner

A mural of Anne Frank wearing a keffiyeh in Bergen, Norway, painted by the anonymous artist Töddel, July 2024. (Courtesy of Töddel)

For the Anti-Defamation League — which monitors antisemitism and anti-Israel activity, and maintains that opposition to Israel’s existence is antisemitic — the answer is: not necessarily. “Keffiyehs are not a hate symbol and the presence of keffiyehs has no bearing on whether something is classified as an antisemitic incident,” the group said in a statement.

But many Jews say they experience the garment as an unmistakable sign of the wearer’s antipathy toward Israel and anyone who supports it — attitudes that have accompanied a spike in antisemitic incidents since the start of the Israel-Hamas war.

“It creates this sense of wariness, and for some people, the sense that they are in danger,” said Manya Marcus, a Jewish psychotherapist in Chicago and host of the podcast “What Came After,” about the aftermath of Oct. 7.

The clothing item itself has a long history among both Jews and Arabs, with origins in biblical times. Early Zionist settlers including Chaim Weizmann wore the keffiyeh in an effort to blend in with their new Arab neighbors, according to the National Library of Israel. The keffiyeh became explicitly associated with pro-Palestinian movements when Yasser Arafat, head of the Palestine Liberation Organization, began consistently donning it in public in the 1960s and 1970s. Yet for decades following, according to Israeli fashion historian Einav Rabinovitch-Fox, many Jewish Israelis continued to wear them.

Before Oct. 7, the sight of non-Muslims wearing the keffiyeh was decried more often than it was celebrated. In 2021, CAIR lambasted the fashion designer Louis Vuitton for selling a scarf that resembled, and was named after, a keffiyeh, accusing the company of appropriation. Before then, in 2008, Dunkin’ Donuts pulled an ad campaign that featured celebrity chef Rachel Ray after conservative pundits complained that Ray appeared to be wearing a keffiyeh.

Everything changed after Oct. 7, as pro-Palestinian protests swept the globe. Many Muslim groups now encourage allies to don the keffiyeh, and an untold number of people have done so, buying keffiyehs from Amazon and elsewhere to wear to protests and in their daily life.

“If you’d asked me two years ago, I wouldn’t have such a negative reaction,” said Kaufman in Chapel Hill. “I associate it with the Palestinian movement, but I wouldn’t have reacted, necessarily, the way I did.”

Since Oct. 7, some conservative commentators have compared progressive members of Congress to Nazis for wearing keffiyehs; three staffers at New York’s Noguchi Museum said they were fired in September for wearing keffiyehs to work; and a singer in Toronto received backlash for performing “The Star-Spangled Banner” at a National Hockey League game while wearing a sweater that resembled a keffiyeh. (A couple months earlier the signer, Kiana Ledé, had reportedly disinvited “Zionist” fans from her concerts.)

In Georgia, a public school equity coordinator who had previously faced an investigation over his commentary on the Israel-Hamas war invited further scrutiny when he wore a keffiyeh on the one-year anniversary of the attacks.

Marcus summarized how Jews in her circle often look askance at someone wearing a keffiyeh: “Is this a fad, or are you very well aware that this is a garment that was worn by people who raped, brutalized, beheaded, butchered people like me?”

A sign above the check-out at the Park Slope Food Coop in Brooklyn advertises the next date and location at the general meeting. (James Leynse/Corbis via Getty Images)

For some Jews, the question comes with an unambiguous answer. Over the summer, Eleanora Kogan, a Jewish longtime member of the Park Slope Food Co-op in Brooklyn, was working a volunteer shift at the co-op’s checkout counter when, she said, people wearing keffiyehs approached her. The sight immediately terrified her.

“I just completely went into panic mode, like a panic attack,” Kogan told JTA. “My hands started shaking, I had trouble breathing. I felt like I was going to start crying.” She told the people she couldn’t help them and left her post, unable to even look them in the eye. Her supervisors became angry, and the incident — which resulted in her being booted from her shift — is now part of a growing legal battle between the co-op and some of its Jewish members who are pressing harassment complaints against staff and management.

Recalling the incident months later, Kogan surmised, “Obviously I was triggered.” She added that, as far as she was concerned, there was nothing else the keffiyeh can stand for except “a symbol of terror” and said she had reacted to “the obscenity of somebody shoving a keffiyeh in my face, as a Jew.”

The co-op wasn’t the only place where Kogan felt herself having visceral reactions to the sight of a keffiyeh. At a diner in upstate New York, she recalled feeling like she had to move tables after a family wearing keffiyehs entered and sat near her. “I just wanted to vomit,” she recalled. “I was so upset. … I thought, ‘I can’t go through life feeling like this.’”

Last month The Weather Channel also became engulfed in the keffiyeh culture wars. Following pushback from watchdog social media account StopAntisemitism, the cable channel pulled a subway ad showing a picture of a young woman wearing a keffiyeh. On X, StopAntisemitism had declared the garment “a symbol now associated with violence against Jews post 10/7.”

In a subsequent apology, the channel said the ad had been a “mistake” and added, “We certainly don’t support or condone any form of antisemitism.” (The Weather Group, the channel’s parent company, did not return a request for comment.)

The ADL has experienced keffiyeh whiplash of its own. CEO Jonathan Greenblatt drew fire after he seemed to compare wearing a keffiyeh to wearing a swastika armband during an MSNBC appearance this spring.

“People who say, ‘Death to Zionists, I wish for that and worse’ — if you wouldn’t tolerate it if someone’s wearing a swastika on their arm, I’m sorry, you shouldn’t tolerate it if they’re wearing a keffiyeh,” he said on the cable news show “Morning Joe” in April.

Protesters outside Columbia University, April 30, 2024. (Luke Tress)

His remarks at the time — a clip of which circulated online with the “death to Zionists” part edited out — prompted widespread anger from Muslim and Palestinian solidarity groups who accused Greenblatt of demonizing the keffiyeh. Dozens of Muslim affinity groups signed onto an open letter condemning Greenblatt’s remarks and calling for his firing.

Keffiyeh wearers, the groups insisted, were not the perpetrators of violent actions, but the victims of them.

“Hate crimes and acts of discrimination against Palestinian-Americans have risen dramatically in recent months. This includes numerous attacks sparked by the public display of the keffiyeh,” the groups, led by the Council on American-Islamic Relations, asserted. “The rhetoric that Mr. Greenblatt and other extreme supporters of the Israeli government have used to smear Palestinian human rights advocates has contributed to this ongoing surge in hate.”

Greenblatt responded by saying his remarks had been taken out of context and that he merely meant to communicate that hate speech should be classified as such even when its speaker is wearing a keffiyeh.

“I don’t believe that the keffiyeh is a hate symbol,” he told the Forward at the time. “Clearly, it’s a cultural symbol with tremendous resonance for people in the Middle East. It’s not a symbol of hate.” A few months earlier, during a speech at Brown University, he had expressed empathy for a Palestinian student who had been shot in Vermont while wearing the article of clothing. (The shooting targeted three students who attended different schools, two of whom were wearing keffiyehs.)

“My Zionism compels me to mourn a Brown student shot in Burlington because he’s wearing a keffiyeh,” Greenblatt told the crowd, according to the Brown Daily Herald. Protesters wearing keffiyehs staged demonstrations against his speech.

Yasser Arafat

Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat, left, with Belgian King Albert II in Brussels in 2000. (Olivier Matthys/AFP via Getty Images)

For Rabinovitch-Fox, a professor at Case Western Reserve University, the rise of the keffiyeh is testament to the ease of fast fashion protest. She said she recalled wearing a keffiyeh while growing up in Israel and doesn’t see it as supporting violence the way that, say, a Hamas flag at a protest would. But she also said she understood why American Jews would feel “triggered” by seeing keffiyehs given how widely the American left adopted it as a symbol over the last year.

“The power of fashion is that it’s really an easy way to show support or show your politics. And it doesn’t take a lot. You just wear it like it’s a scarf,” she said.

Some of the new keffiyeh-wearers include Jews seeking to challenge support for Israel in their own communities. According to a recent investigation published by the left-wing magazine In These Times, two staffers at an early education center run by Mishkan Chicago, a progressive Jewish congregation, said they were disciplined after wearing keffiyehs to work. They later resigned from their jobs.

In June, two teachers who had just left positions at the Abraham Joshua Heschel School in New York City, a Jewish day school, posted a selfie with a keffiyeh, along with the caption “This is our coming out. #FreePaletine [sic].” The post prompted an email message from the head of school, who wrote, “I am saddened and infuriated that they chose to exit our community in this hateful and disrespectful way.”

A Jewish student prays at night while wearing a keffiyeh and a yarmulke during a pro-Palestinian encampment protest

Jewish students and allies hold a Shabbat and a Davening Maariv prayer in solidarity with the pro-Palestinian students encampment at George Washington University as it continues for the second day in Washington, D.C., on April 26, 2024. (Celal Gunes/Anadolu via Getty Images)

That type of drama points to the increasingly common sight of left-wing Jewish activists adopting the garment as a show of solidarity with Palestinians. At college encampments, klezmer concerts, and protests by groups like Rabbis For Ceasefire since Oct. 7, it has not been uncommon to spy crowds of mostly young Jews sporting keffiyehs along with a matching kippah or tallit.

“When Zionist Jews see anti-Zionist Jews like that, that punches a bigger hole in their rhetoric than seeing an anti-Zionist person in a hijab,” said Rifka Handelman, a Jewish anti-Zionist student activist at the University of Maryland who often dons the keffiyeh. They added that the keffiyeh “is very warm and comfy.”

To some Jews, the symbol can feel like more than a rhetorical threat. In August, a Jewish activist group in New York tried to pressure the city’s public school system to ban keffiyehs, arguing they “are not merely cultural garments, they have been adopted as symbols in response to the slaughter of Jews on Oct. 7.”

Many of Marcus’s friends and neighbors, she said, often express a desire to involve law enforcement or other disciplinary measures when they see someone wearing a keffiyeh.

Yet she cautioned that these kinds of outsized reactions could backfire, helping to create an impression of an overly sensitive Jewish community that can’t tell the difference between free expression and a physical threat.

“It becomes mangled,” Marcus said. “What is HR supposed to do with this? What system is there in this country, in this world, where we can call the cops on a shawl?”

Debates like these point to larger Jewish anxiety over navigating the uneasy post-Oct. 7 world of symbols and slogans. “I don’t think a keffiyeh announces that its wearer wants Jews dead. At least the rational part of my brain doesn’t think this,” Phoebe Maltz Bovy, an editor at the Canadian Jewish News, wrote earlier this year. “That said, am I about to make social plans with someone who isn’t even Palestinian, whose reaction to this war is to buy a scarf in support of their preferred team? I think we all know the answer.”

Back in Chapel Hill, Kaufman said she was “grateful” to the city for its decision to remove the keffiyeh banner. “I think it was a good way to handle things in the end,” she said. She also insists her bonafides as a progressive Jew haven’t changed.

“There’s a balance between the tikkun olam, repair the world, in your community and the need to focus on the Jewish world,” she said. “I sort of had a bit of an awakening in the last few years about whether I’ve been pretty neglectful of my own community, which I just assumed, erroneously, was OK. But in fact, we’re not.”

As the war drags on and pro-Palestinian activism remains widespread, Jews will have to continue to negotiate their relationship to the keffiyeh. After her incident in the diner, Kogan has tried to approach the garment with a new attitude.

“I simply have a different mindset now,” she told JTA. “So now, I’m just going to walk past. I see somebody wearing it and I’m going to look the other way. I’m just like, ‘You do you, bless you.’ My mind is much more at peace.”

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