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On Canada’s governor general: ‘It’s about the country, not the person’

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A new book, The Governors General: An Intimate History of Canada’s Highest Office (Sutherland House), arrives at a moment when Canada’s current governor general is preparing to step down.

Author John Fraser, who is also a veteran journalist and founder of the Institute for the Study of the Crown in Canada, has spent years examining the vice-regal role and its strange place in Canada’s constitutional order. 

Canadian Affairs reporter Sam Forster spoke with Fraser about the evolving role of Canada’s head of state, the damage done by the Julie Payette era, and the qualities the next occupant of Rideau Hall should bring to the job.

SF: To many Canadians, the role of the governor general is something of a mystery. Having met every viceroy since the early ‘50s, and having spent so much time examining the institution, what do you think is the biggest misconception Canadians have about the office of the governor general today?

JF:  I don’t think they have misconceptions as much as they just shrug. It doesn’t mean that much to them. 

And the fact that it isn’t omnipresent in people’s lives is not a bad thing. Politicians are omnipresent and that gives them a certain lifespan. Look at the last few prime ministers. There’s always a use-by date for them.

Governor generals, if they don’t disgrace themselves, usually sail pretty serenely through their position. 

 SF: Former governor general Julie Payette resigned over reports that she had created a toxic workplace. This was arguably the most damaging episode for Rideau Hall in decades. In your view, what did that moment reveal about the way Canada selects its governor general?

JF: It exposed the process for choosing Julie Payette was questionable. 

I wasn’t a Stephen Harper acolyte or anything, but I did think that he came up with a really good concept for helping him decide who to recommend for governor general and lieutenant governors: creating a permanent selection committee. He wanted selections to be properly vetted. 

I served on one of those committees to choose the Lieutenant Governor of Ontario. And I thought, ‘Well, this is a really good, evolutionary idea, and it doesn’t detract from the right of an elected official to have direct input.’

When the younger Trudeau got elected, one of his most important officials was a guy named Gerry Butts — a nice guy, a guy I liked. So I phoned him, and I said, ‘You may not approve of Stephen Harper and his politics, but they actually came up with a really good way to advise a prime minister to find good people, to vet them.’

He was polite, but he was condescending. And he said, ‘Yeah, yeah, yeah, they’re really proud of that. But we think we can do better.’ 

And better turned out to be Julie Payette.

She was not a bad person. She was an incredibly accomplished person who had made it through the University of Toronto’s engineering school, which is full of alpha males. And then she got selected through a rigorous process from a crowded pool of people who wanted to be astronauts. There are a lot of alpha males in that crowd. 

But all the qualities that got her to those stages were all the wrong qualities needed to be governor general. She believed in bluntness and speaking forthrightly, and governor generals are not put in office to speak forthrightly.

The job is about the country, not about them. She never got that. 

SF: Do you think the office has recovered its credibility under Governor General Mary Simon, or do you think there is still reputational damage that needs to be repaired?

JF: I think it was partly protected by Canadian ignorance about the office. 

The role of governor general could be a fantastic platform for an eloquent, smart person to bring people together. That’s what they should do. 

The essential problem with Julie Payette, and Mary Simon too, is they think they got the job because they are wonderful. 

And they are wonderful. They are both wonderful. 

But it wasn’t for them. The assignment was to think about the country. They made it through, for whatever reason, into the consciousness of the prime minister that was choosing them.

But in the end, the job isn’t about the person; it’s about the country. And if the recipient doesn’t understand that, then there are problems. 

I mean, Adrienne Clarkson has an ego — bigger than either yours or mine combined, and I’m sure neither of us have small egos — but she actually understood that. 

She understood that she had to represent certain things. Her [2000] speech at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier was an eloquent expression of what a governor general can do with some verve and intelligence, to draw people together.

We’re not a country that has many eloquent public speeches — but that was one of them. And to me, Clarkson’s speech was a demarcation for any future governor general to understand how the role can work.

SF:  In the book, you say about Mary Simon, ‘It was a mistake for the prime minister to appoint someone — anyone — who does not speak even a smattering of French. Plain and simple.’ Why?

JF: I don’t think they have to be fluent. I think they have to be seen struggling if they’re not fluent. 

Former governor general David Johnston wasn’t in any way fluent, but he had enough knowledge to stagger through, and he understood that he should be seen trying, because that is the nature of our political settlement in this country.

I can understand people out West thinking this whole bilingualism thing keeps them out of a lot of positions. I’ve got some real sympathy for that. But I do think that abandoning the idea of official bilingualism is a demarcation mark that is not good for this country.

If the next governor general is from Saskatchewan or Alberta, with a very weak understanding of French, all they have to say is, ‘I’m going to try my best.’ 

*This article has been edited for length and clarity

The post On Canada’s governor general: ‘It’s about the country, not the person’ appeared first on Canadian Affairs.

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For Ben Sasse, Revolution Medicines’ pancreatic cancer trial felt like his best, only option

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When Ben Sasse, a former U.S. senator (R-Neb.), learned he had metastatic pancreatic cancer, he quickly chose action over comfort. Whatever he could do to save his life, for as long as he could, he wanted to try it. Perhaps his only option, doctors told him, was to enroll in a clinical trial.

“If we were to have much of a chance of living longer than the three to four months they were giving us at that point, we were going to need to get into an aggressive trial,” Sasse told STAT last month.

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Most Of The Microplastics In Urban Air Come From Tires

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https://arxiv.org/pdf/2604.09427

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‘Substantial evidence’ of double-tap strike in killing of Gaza’s Hind Rajab | Israel-Palestine conflict News | Al Jazeera

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In the final hours of her life on January 29, 2024, Hind Rajab’s feeble voice could be heard desperately pleading with her mother and emergency workers for help, as she was trapped in a car surrounded by the bodies of six of her relatives.

After finally getting clearance from the Israeli military in Gaza City, a Red Crescent ambulance raced to save the five-year-old girl. But two paramedics were killed when their marked vehicle – whose sirens were blaring – came under Israeli tank fire. The remains of the nine victims were recovered 12 days later.

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Two years after the tragedy, a report claims this was a “double tap” attack by the Israeli army. A double-tap strike essentially means carrying out two strikes on the same target, often wounding or killing medics and civilians who are coming to the aid of people harmed in the first attack.

Analysis by the global campaign group Avaaz has found evidence that the killings contravened international combat law under the Geneva Conventions and the Rome Statute.

“By reconstructing the coordination and timing around the approved ambulance mission, it shows that there is substantial evidence of a deliberate ‘double-tap’ tactic – an initial military strike followed with a deliberately timed second strike targeting emergency responders and medical personnel who arrive to help,” Avaaz says in its report exclusively shared with Al Jazeera. “The brief brings together the timeline of events up to and beyond Hind’s death, showing what Israeli forces must have been aware of at each stage, and the frequent opportunities they had to pull back from murder.

“It documents over 40 human rights violations and ties together how those violations are evidence of a double-tap attack on the hospital workers. Each violation builds to an alarming possibility: Israel is not only killing Palestinians – it is systematically killing those who try to save them. The message is clear: If the medical community tries to help, it will be extinguished.”

More than 1,500 healthcare workers have been killed during Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza, including several since a so-called “ceasefire” came into effect in October.

Avaaz, building on previous investigations by Al Jazeera in partnership with the Hind Rajab Foundation and other media organisations, claims there is clear evidence that this double strike constituted a war crime. The campaign group is now urging the International Criminal Court (ICC) to bring those responsible to justice.

At the time of publishing, the Israeli military had not responded to Al Jazeera’s request for comment.

‘I am absolutely convinced that this is another case of double tap’

Al Jazeera, in partnership with the Hind Rajab Foundation, last year revealed evidence of deliberate killings.

The Israeli government initially claimed that none of its forces was present at the time, later asserting that the 335 bullet holes found in the family’s car were the result of an exchange of fire between Israeli soldiers and Palestinian fighters.

However, a subsequent investigation of satellite imagery and audio from that day by the multidisciplinary research group Forensic Architecture, based at Goldsmiths, the University of London, identified only the presence of several Israeli Merkava tanks in the vicinity of the family’s car and no evidence of any exchange of fire.

The Avaaz report highlights that the ambulance obtained permission from COGAT, an arm of the Israeli military, to go to Hind’s aid, so Israeli forces knew exactly when the first responders would arrive and the route they would take. About three hours passed between the initial shooting of the family vehicle and the attack on the ambulance, indicating the Israeli army had ample opportunity for “situational awareness, communication, and command decision-making”, the report adds.

Avaaz says the ambulance was attacked by a tank in a way that could not have been a warning shot if the military had any reason to believe it was not there to rescue Hind. Instead, the assault “points to lethal targeting”.

The Israeli army gave no warning before attacking the ambulance, previous investigations have found.

“I have taken the investigations done by a number of independent journalistic outfits. I was really struck by the evidence at the end of the whole horrendous incident,” said Sarah Andrew, legal director of Avaaz, who added that as a mother, Hind’s death made her think of her own daughter. “In particular, the kind of weaponry that was used on the ambulance, the timing and the fact that no warning was given – it immediately triggered a question in my mind, and I am absolutely convinced that this is another case of double tap.”

She told Al Jazeera: “It is something that has not had attention, and we would like to take this with [an independent legal] partner to the ICC.”

“What I have done is establish a legal framework for the previous investigation. I think it is very important that we also look at what happened to the ambulance workers as well as what happened to Hind and her family.”

The report says, “Even where an attacking force claims it suspects misuse of a medical vehicle, international humanitarian law requires warnings and an opportunity to comply before an attack can be lawful.”

Andrew said the Israeli military has yet to explain why a tank fired on an ambulance.

“We have not heard from the people responsible. I want them to appear before the ICC and hear what on earth was in their mind when they ordered 120mm tank rounds to be fired into an ambulance,” she said. “Justice is first of all bringing the light of attention into this crime and secondly seeing the persons responsible being accountable for their actions.”

Professor James Sweeney, from the University of Lancaster, who is an expert on human rights and conflict, said in double-tap attacks, the second strike is usually within five to 10 minutes.

It can also mean letting off a small explosion to induce rescuers to respond, then exploding another bomb once they are near.

“The [Avaaz] brief says that the attack on the ambulance should be considered a double tap, but usually the second attack would be within five to 20 minutes and would be considered a trick,” he told Al Jazeera. “It would seem that [in this case] the passage of time was greater, but that does not take anything away from the fact that the attack on the ambulance was so unlawful. You could see it as a form of double-tap, but it is not my normal understanding of it. But in any case, it does not take away from the fact that these were war crimes.”

The Hind Rajab Foundation said in a statement, “The double tap arguments are consistent with our analysis as well. We are continuously preparing for new filings against responsible soldiers in various jurisdictions.

“We have 24 names of responsible perpetrators. We are open to work together with Avaaz on a filing specifically regarding the attack on the ambulance.”

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Why is China’s air pollution shifting west? | Dialogue Earth

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China has had astonishing success improving its air quality since declaring a “war on pollution” in 2013. From 2014 to 2022, average levels of fine particulate matter (PM2.5) dropped faster than in any other country, according to the University of Chicago’s Air Quality Life Index. Last year, nearly three-quarters of the country’s cities had average PM2.5 levels below the national standard limit. Taken together, the level of PM2.5 in China’s cities was 36% lower than it had been in 2015. This success followed a range of measures including retrofitting coal power plants. 

China’s efforts at managing air pollution have hitherto focused on the eastern parts of the country. The national air pollution action plan that the State Council issued in 2013 set PM2.5 targets for cities clustered in the Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei area, and in the deltas of the Yangtze and Pearl rivers. In 2018 came another action plan, this time focussed on improving air quality in Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei, the Yangtze Delta and the Fenwei Plain on the middle reaches of the Yellow River. (The Pearl River Delta had been dropped due to its long-term good compliance with the national standard.) These three regions all have an energy mix dominated by coal, and significant air pollution issues connected with heavy industry.

But while in the first quarter of 2025, eastern China’s overall air quality improved, pollution rose in provinces to the south and west of the country. PM2.5 levels in Guangxi, Yunnan and Xinjiang were substantially higher than a year earlier, at 32%, 14%, and 8% respectively.

Apart from time-limited weather factors in several southern regions, this is largely the result of heavy industry, such as steelmaking and coal processing, moving to the south and west of the country where energy is more abundant. What is needed to improve the situation is better integration of renewable power into the grid, the electrification of industrial processes that currently rely on coal, and the continued expansion of clean-energy generation.

The westward shift

In the first quarter of 2025, the average PM2.5 levels of China’s cities was down 5% year on year. Levels of major pollutants such as sulphur dioxide (SO2), nitrogen dioxide (NO2) and PM10 particulates – which correlate closely with industrial activity and fossil fuel use – declined or remained stable. However, in some provinces to the west and south, air pollution went up.

Guangxi, Yunnan and Hainan in particular experienced large increases, with PM2.5 levels growing by 32%, 14% and 11% respectively. Xinjiang, with an 8% rise and a yearly average level of 70 micrograms per cubic metre (µg/m³), took over from Henan as the province with the worst airborne particulates problem. Its PM2.5 measure is now double the national standard of 35 µg/m³ and 14 times the guideline value adopted by World Health Organisation (WHO).

During that quarter, PM2.5 levels rose year-on-year by 22.6% in Kunming, Yunnan and by 10.1% in Urumqi, Xinjiang. These increases were primarily driven by anthropogenic emissions rather than meteorological conditions, according our analysis at the Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air (CREA). In Kunming, 11.9% of the rise was down to anthropogenic emissions and 10.7% to the weather. In Urumqi, the share was 9.2% versus 0.9%. Anthropogenic emissions were also primarily responsible for the 12.6% and 5% increases seen in the cities of Yinchuan, Ningxia, and Xi’an, Shaanxi, despite overall levels in both those provinces falling. In addition, while levels are down in traditional industrial regions such as Shanxi, north-east China, and the Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei region, anthropogenic emissions continued to exert a positive pressure on pollution levels. This suggests pollution levels may still rise in these regions when weather conditions are slightly adverse.

Where is the pollution coming from?

Across western and southern China, three main factors have driven the recent upturn in air pollution: increased output from energy-intensive industries such as steel, non-ferrous metals, and coal-to-chemical processing in the region; firework displays to celebrate national festivals; and burning of crop stubble in springtime to clear fields ready for new planting.

In the east, meanwhile, there has been a contraction of heavily polluting, energy-intensive industrial production, though this has been partly countered by increased output in the coal-to-chemical sector, which exacerbates the risk of air pollution.

In the first quarter of 2025, western China’s output of crude steel, pig iron and 10 non-ferrous metals increased year-on-year by 6%, 11% and 4% respectively, indicates data from the National Bureau of Statistics. This is compared with a slight decline in eastern China, the only part of the country where all three industries contracted. Output from infrastructure-related industries, such as cement and glass, declined in both the east and the west.

In terms of the share of electricity supplied by coal and other thermal power, western China experienced the biggest drop, with a 5.5% decline, which is more than the national average. However, in some parts of central, southern, south-western and western China, the proportion of clean energy has gone down in the past few years, bucking the national trend. In provinces rich in renewable-energy resources, such as Xinjiang and Inner Mongolia, coal power is expanding at a faster rate than clean energy. So, despite thermal power’s declining share of the energy mix, the overall energy transition is still not enough to offset the additional pollution from expanded production in the steel, non-ferrous metals and related industries.

China’s National Development and Reform Commission has added a cleaner method of steelmaking to its 2025 Catalogue of Encouraged Industries for Western China. This is the electric arc furnace “short-process” method, which uses electricity to produce crude steel from scrap steel. The long-process method, by contrast, produces pig iron from iron ore in blast furnaces fired by large quantities of coal. It emits far more carbon dioxide, sulphur dioxide, nitrogen dioxide and particulate matter pollution.

In central and western China, steel production mostly uses the long-process method, possibly due to the abundance of ores and coal in these regions and relative lack of scrap steel. Notably, in western China the growth of pig iron output in the first quarter of this year is nearly double that of crude steel, as calculated using National Bureau of Statistics data. This growth mainly occurred in Ningxia, Guangxi, and the Fenwei Plain – regions considered part of western China when formulating economic development policies.

In the east, pig iron output dropped further than did crude steel, reflecting an overt shift towards energy efficiency and carbon reduction among steelmakers in the region, including the widespread adoption of the short-process method. However, it remains to be seen how long this trend will last and whether it can be consolidated.

In the west, output from conventional coal-to-chemical processing is likewise on the up. Construction is speeding up for both modern and conventional coal-to-chemical projects, driven by falling coal prices and pressure for energy security.

Growth of the conventional industry, typically in the form of coke production and coal gasification, is mainly concentrated in western and central China, with quarter one growth rates of 2% and 6% respectively.

More modern forms of coal-to-chemical processing, seen for example in the production of ethylene (a gas used especially in the manufacture of polythene) are prevalent in the east and central regions. The chemicals sector, being one of the few energy-intensive industries that is still growing, is itself a significant driver of air pollution.

Guangxi in focus

There have also been tradition-related challenges affecting air quality in the south. Air pollution in Guangxi significantly worsened at the end of January with the start of the Spring Festival period. This was due to intensive firework use coinciding with stagnant weather conditions that trapped the resulting smoke. Guangxi’s PM2.5 level for the first quarter of 2025, at 41 µg/m³, was its highest in at least three years.

Inadequate efforts to mitigate the impacts of these weather conditions, coupled with weak enforcement of regional firework bans and joint control measures, contributed to heavy pollution in the autonomous region. On 29 January, the first day of the Lunar New Year, three cities in Guangxi recorded heavy pollution; in Nanning, the PM2.5 hourly concentration peak reached 1,632 µg/m³ at one point, while in Yulin, the daily average concentration reached 428 µg/m³.

On 11 February, six counties in south-eastern Guangxi were questioned about the severe air pollution. The subsequent report stated that all six are traditional agricultural counties where pollution was caused by straw burning, scattered coal use and fireworks. Beyond these, other sources of widespread and persistent local pollution include the open burning of agricultural residue, excessive emissions from industrial facilities, and delays in ending the use of small coal-fired boilers, the report noted.

People perform the traditional fireworks dragon dance during Chinese New Year in Binyang, Guangxi (Image: Peng Huan / FeatureChina / Associated Press / Alamy)

Updated policies on crop-stubble burning are also bringing new seasonal challenges. This year, China’s key policy statement for rural development, the No. 1 Central Document, replaced the blanket ban on burn-offs with a more flexible mechanism for “restricted burning”. Several provinces are now piloting “time-limited, zone-specific” conditions for the activity. Stubble burning during spring ploughing has become a major source of particulates, and there is an urgent need for stronger policy oversight.

Industrial relocation and the risk of air pollution

The upsurge in air pollution reflects the migration of China’s coal-to-chemical and steel industries towards energy-rich regions in the south-west.

In 2020, China began ramping up efforts to develop the western regions. Projects geared towards exploiting energy and resources in those regions were encouraged and prioritised for approval. Under the State Council’s employment-first strategy, announced in 2024, proposals were introduced for steadily steering capital-, technology- and labour-intensive industries into the heart of China’s central and western regions. Electricity for large-scale industrial use is cheaper in western China than in the east due to more favourable conditions for generating power from diverse renewable resources, giving the region a competitive advantage, as China Energy News has noted. Given that energy generally accounts for over 10% of costs in conventional energy-intensive industries, there is an obvious incentive to relocate westwards.

In March this year, as part of preparations for China’s 15th five-year plan for economic development (in 2026-2030), the National Energy Administration presented a new formulation: “power from the west of the country, utilised in the west of the country”. This is clearly aimed at nudging energy-intensive industries to cluster where renewable-energy resources are at their most plentiful. Furthermore, carbon and environmental costs are set to rise for the steel, cement and aluminium smelting industries as carbon markets expand, and this too could drive a westward shift in the corresponding sectors.

The outcome of industrial relocation is beginning to take shape. In the first two years of the 14th five-year plan period (for 2021-2025), the average growth rate for industrial added value in western China was 5.2 percentage points above the national average – far higher than in 2016-2020. Yunnan, with its abundant hydropower, has attracted aluminium smelting projects from across China. Meanwhile, Xinjiang leads nationally in terms of the growing capacity of its coal-to-chemical sector, having attracted nearly CNY 500 billion (USD 70 billion) of investment. That figure is expected to surpass CNY 1 trillion during the 15th five-year plan period.

A coal-to-chemical facility in Urumqi, Xinjiang (Image: Aman / Xinhua / Alamy)

As the wave of industrial relocation to western China gathers momentum, multiple challenges remain in realising the goal of clean power from the west, utilised in the west. Grid planning for western China currently focuses on large-scale outbound transmission, Yue Hao, a senior expert at State Grid Jibei Electric Power Company, told China Power Enterprise Management. As more energy-intensive industries congregate there, the regional power grid becomes increasingly difficult to operate, he added. Electricity demand in western China, rising rapidly and at a higher rate than the national average, is expected to peak later than in eastern China. This places additional stress on the capacity of western regions to absorb and coordinate the supply and demand of their own clean energy, Yue further noted.

The original purposes of moving energy-intensive industries westwards was to coordinate the development of clean energy with industry needs, reduce overall carbon intensity, and meet the policy requirement for synergies in “cutting pollution and reducing carbon”. However, this throws up challenges in terms of managing the environment of areas not designated as critical for pollution prevention.

Green transition as the strategic crux

The central government has shown how determined it is to further improve China’s air quality. It has set a target for lowering the average annual PM2.5 level to less than 25 µg/m³ by 2035, a significant tightening of the current national standard of 35 µg/m³. Achieving it would necessitate a fall of more than 10% against the national levels seen in 2024.

With air pollution trending upwards in areas not designated as crucial for pollution control, national countermeasures during the 2026-2030 period will need to address the spatial distribution of energy-intensive industries and ensure coordinated regional planning for industrial development and air-pollution control.

With particular emphasis on high-emission industries such as steel, coal-to-chemical and non-ferrous metals, this would mean promoting low-carbon technology adoption, advancing industrial electrification and accelerating the clean transition of energy systems. Eastern regions would also be supported to help restructure green-industrial chains in central and western China by exporting capital, technology and governance capability, thereby shaping an architecture of governance based on cross-regional coordination.

Air quality has become a significant indicator of a region’s capacity for high-quality development. It relates directly to industrial transformation, talent gathering and levels of public health, and shows how effectively a region is managing its manufacturing sector’s green transition. Good air quality reflects how well a region adapts to environmental constraints and indicates that the region’s economic development can be resilient and sustainable. Going forward, inter-regional competition for economic success no longer has to mean sacrificing the environment for growth. Green development should be the strategic crux instead, so as to realise the synergies between environmental improvement and economic growth.

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