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Density Dependence During Evolutionary Rescue Increases Extinction Risk but Does Not Prevent Adaptation

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This study investigates how density dependence influences evolutionary rescue in populations facing environmental stress. We found that while density dependence increases extinction risk by limiting population growth, it does not prevent adaptation in surviving populations. These results highlight the complex role of density dependence in shaping both extinction and evolutionary outcomes. ABSTRACT Evolutionary rescue allows populations to adapt and persist despite severe environmental change. While well studied under density‐independent conditions, the role of density dependence, including competition, remains unclear. Theoretical models offer conflicting predictions, with density dependence either increasing extinction risk or enhancing adaptation. We empirically tested how density dependence influences evolutionary rescue by exposing experimental populations to a stressful environment for six generations under density‐dependent or independent conditions, with populations where either evolution was possible or was prevented by replacing individuals each generation. Density dependence suppressed population size and increased extinction risk, whereas density independence enabled rapid growth, especially in genetically diverse populations where evolution was possible. Although density dependence raises extinction risk, it does not prevent populations from responding to selection, since surviving density‐dependent populations still exhibited increased intrinsic and realised fitness. These findings reconcile theoretical discrepancies, showing density dependence can simultaneously increase extinction risk but may favour adaptation. Our results underscore the importance of considering density dependence in conservation strategies.
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Thousands of Federal Public Service Layoffs Are Beginning

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Policy experts warn Canada could be losing vital resources as trade and geopolitics shift.

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What Carney didn’t say at Davos

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The prime minister's speech was a radical contrast to the weaving, menacing ramble from US President Donald Trump later in the program. But it left out one thing: climate.
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Avi Lewis’s NDP Labour Plan Is A Remarkable Document

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Avi Lewis’s NDP Labour Plan Is A Remarkable Document
Avi Lewis’s NDP Labour Plan Is A Remarkable Document

The race to elect a new federal NDP leader is down to its final two months. The party will select its next leader at its 2026 convention in Winnipeg, between March 27 and 29. 

Five candidates are vying for the position: Edmonton Strathcona MP Heather McPherson, filmmaker and activist Avi Lewis, International Longshore and Warehouse Union Canada leader Rob Ashton, Campbell River, B.C., city councillor Tanille Johnston, and farmer Tony McQuail. McPherson, Lewis and Ashton are widely recognized to be the top contenders. 

As it stands, none of these three frontrunners have substantial name recognition with the Canadian public. According to polling conducted by Pollara in October, approximately 20 per cent of respondents recognized McPherson, while Lewis and Ashton registered 16 and 14 per cent recognition, respectively.   

McPherson, Lewis and Ashton also seem to appeal to different segments of the NDP base. Pollara suggests that McPherson connects most with the party’s progressive, urban electorate: white-collar workers, the university educated and immigrants. Ashton, by contrast, “excites blue collar workers, lower income earners, and those without university degrees.” Lewis’s base skews younger and is more concentrated among the environmental and social activist core.  

Though McPherson appears to hold a slight lead, any of the three top candidates has a viable path to the leadership, and thus a chance to revive the party’s fortunes. 

Despite significant setbacks in the last federal election — including losing official party status— nearly half (46 per cent) of those contacted by Pollara indicated they were open to voting NDP in the next election. There is therefore a real opportunity to make headway by offering a bold vision that addresses the various crises facing working people. 

Thus far, Ashton has most successfully occupied the working-class lane, centering affordability and promising a return to the party’s labour roots. Ashton’s campaign, however, has been relatively short on policy details

On January 22, the Lewis campaign released its labour platform, “Dignified Work in a Digital Age.” Complementing previous policy releases related to a Green New Deal, housing, health care and a public option for groceries, Lewis’s labour platform offers a bold agenda to expand workplace democracy and workers’ rights, rein in artificial intelligence, fix Employment Insurance, and promote justice for migrant workers, immigrants, and refugees. 

The question now is, will Lewis’s labour plan pull more workers and unions behind his progressive campaign?  

Lewis launched his leadership bid in September 2025 with a video taking aim at grocery, telecom and oil monopolies and big banks, and calling for a wealth tax, a national rent cap, a public option for groceries, health-care expansion to cover “medication to mental health,” and “a Green New Deal that creates millions of good-paying jobs.”  

While Lewis’s opening salvo centred class conflict — “they’re not just hoarding extreme wealth, they’re foreclosing on our shared future,” he said of oil and gas CEOs — it was less clear what a Lewis-led NDP might mean for labour. 

“Dignified Work in a Digital Age” provides this detail. 

The platform begins by framing the issues facing workers: “Full-time jobs with benefits and pensions are being replaced by temporary, contract, or part-time work. Thanks to legal loopholes, gig workers and migrant workers are being left without basic protections. Rapid technological change, especially generative AI, is reshaping industries faster than labour laws are adapting, leaving workers without the rights, training, or bargaining power they need. And our broken employment insurance system doesn't kick in fast enough, pay you enough or last long enough.”

It then addresses five policy areas: workplace democracy and the right to strike; a “humans-first AI policy”; defense of workers’ rights; reforming EI; and justice for migrant workers, immigrants, and refugees. 

First, Lewis plans to expand access to union membership as well as options for worker ownership. 

To strengthen workplace democracy, the government led by Lewis would pass MP Leah Gazan’s bill to repeal section 107 of the Canada Labour Code and protect the right to strike, expand sectoral bargaining, and enforce decent labour standards and union membership on government-funded projects. The new policy document also calls for reintroducing single-step union certification in the federal jurisdiction, though this point is somewhat odd since the Canada Labour Code already permits card-check certification with a simple majority threshold. 

When it comes to promoting worker ownership, a Lewis-led NDP government would: create a “national worker ownership fund” to help workers buy businesses when owners retire, sell or relocate, give workers the first chance to buy firms when bosses walk away, and provide low-interest loans and other technical support to worker cooperatives. 

Lewis’s campaign further promises to introduce a series of measures to: defend the rights of gig and other freelance workers, including guaranteeing employment and collective bargaining rights for creators, platform workers, and digital labourers; protect copyright for workers; and rein in the use of digital surveillance technologies in the workplace. 

When it comes to the federal public sector, a Lewis NDP government would support telework rights, an ongoing and contentious issue between federal public sector unions and the government, and fully implement pay equity legislation. 

“Dignified Work in a Digital Age” is particularly strong when it comes to transforming Employment Insurance (EI), a social program in desperate need of reform. 

The Lewis campaign wants to make EI “accessible and universal” by creating a standard threshold of 360 insurance hours, in contrast to the current model where eligibility varies by region. The rate of wage replacement would also be raised from the current 55 per cent of previous earnings to 75 per cent, with a $600-per-week minimum benefit. The plan would also make parental benefit access fairer for new parents, restore the EI Board of Appeals and ensure migrant workers have access to the program. These proposals align strongly with Canadian labour’s longstanding demands related to EI. 

What stands out about Lewis’s labour platform, however, is its breadth. Recognizing that most labour and employment legislation is a provincial jurisdiction, the campaign has framed other social issues impacting labour as matters of worker policy. This is most clear in the platform’s “humans-first” AI approach. 

“Dignified Work in a Digital Age” calls attention to the stolen private data used to build and train AI systems, the dangerous financial bubble created by overvalued AI companies, the potential of job displacement, and the industry’s massive and environmentally destructive energy use.

A Lewis-led NDP would address these issues through: a public service “human guarantee” to protect federal public sector workers’ jobs and service users alike; pausing the expansion of AI data centres and supporting a “peoples’ consultation” on a national AI strategy; banning AI use in government publications; regulating AI tools by, for example, requiring disclosure and warning labels, as the European Union now plans to do. 

The campaign’s commitment to recognize the contributions of and ensure justice for migrant workers, immigrants, and refugees is also ambitious. 

A Lewis NDP government would: hire 3,000 immigration public servants to clear the backlog of more than one million outstanding applications and reunite families; end closed-work permits that allow employers to abuse migrant workers and provide “permanent resident status for all and equal rights from day one”; and improve housing standards for migrant workers. The plan would also end the Canada-United States Safe Third Country Agreement “because the US is not safe for refugees,” and establish a “national plan for asylum with dignity.”

Combined, these proposals make for a remarkable document that complements the Lewis campaign’s other policy plans in the areas of housing, health care and the environment. 

As Larry Savage, professor of Labour Studies at Brock University told Class Struggle, “Lewis appears to have offered up an ambitious and comprehensive blueprint for labour and employment law reform that is forward-looking and unapologetically pro‑worker. There’s a clear recognition by the Lewis campaign that rapid technological change requires bold new approaches to defending workers’ rights. I think Lewis’s plan stands out amid NDP leadership pitches for squarely centring economic democracy.” 

Will “Dignified Work in a Digital Age” give Lewis an edge in the final stretch of the NDP leadership race, and will it bring more workers and unions to not only support him but also to reconnect with the party? 

So far, Lewis has racked up some impressive individual labour endorsements, including from Sid Ryan, former president of both the Ontario Federation of Labour and the Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE) Ontario, Nas Yadollahi, president of CUPE Local 79 in Toronto, and Pam Parks, president of CUPE Local 6364. 

At the same time, as Savage put it to Class Struggle, “Solid policy proposals are crucial to rebuilding union support for the NDP. On their own, however, they’re not enough to lock in union votes. Bold policies need to be paired with equally bold movement-building strategies to give confidence to unions and their members that the NDP is a viable option at the ballot box.”

With his new labour plan, Lewis has built the foundation for such movement-building strategies to take shape. 

UPDATE: Shortly after this newsletter was published, the Avi Lewis campaign reached out to me to say it had revised its labour platform document to clarify that a Lewis-led NDP would work with the labour movement to champion card-check unionization across the provinces, recognizing that the federal jurisdiction already has single-step unionization. 



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Canada's political parties want to be exempt from provincial privacy laws

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Canada's political parties want to be exempt from provincial privacy laws
͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌     ͏ ‌    ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­

Politics or privacy?

Can­ada’s Bill C-4 promises to make life affordable for Canadians, but one measure would exempt political parties from provincial privacy laws. And privacy advocates are sounding the alarm.


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Procurement Ministry Joël Lightbound reacts during a session of the parliament

Can­ada's political parties want to be exempt from provincial privacy laws

By Carly Penrose

Advocates are sounding the alarm about a little-discussed measure in the Liberal affordability bill that would exempt federal political parties from privacy laws.


Bill C-4, officially called “An Act respecting certain affordability measures for Canadians and another measure,” was put forward by Finance Minister François-Philippe Champagne last year and includes major campaign promises like changing income tax rates, temporarily reducing GST on new homes and officially repealing the carbon tax.


But the “other measure” is what has privacy advocates concerned. The bill includes amendments to the Can­ada Elections Act that would exempt federal political parties from provincial and territorial privacy laws governing the collection and use of Canadians’ personal information, unless the party’s policy for the protection of personal information provides otherwise.


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British Columbians will pay to electrify North Coast mining, LNG projects | The Narwhal

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Construction on the North Coast transmission line is not expected to start until later this year, but last week BC Hydro took “a key step toward securing a major customer” for its electricity: Ksi Lisims LNG.

BC Hydro and Ksi Lisims LNG have signed a memorandum of understanding that “provides clarity on how and when BC Hydro will deliver as much as 600 megawatts of clean electricity to the proposed floating LNG facility,” according to the government’s press release. Energy Minister Adrian Dix hailed the agreement as a key step toward Ksi Lisims’ final investment decision, which is expected later this year.

The details of the agreement will not be made public, a BC Hydro spokesperson told The Narwhal in an email, because it contains confidential information about Ksi Lisims.

The Ksi Lisims LNG project is expected to consume as much electricity as 250,000 B.C. homes use in a year. How BC Hydro plans to supply that power — and what it means for the broader grid — has not been disclosed. But a key piece is building the multibillion-dollar transmission line. In December, Dix signed a cabinet order outlining many of the terms BC Hydro and North Coast transmission line customers will operate under, including that the costs for the project be recouped via hydro rates.

The most recent cost estimate for the first two phases of the North Coast transmission line is $6 billion, double BC Hydro’s initial $3-billion estimate. The third phase of the project, which will run high-voltage transmission lines north from Terrace, B.C., to Bob Quinn Lake near the Alaska border, has not yet been costed. B.C. is currently negotiating with the Canadian government to secure federal funding for the project.

At the Natural Resources Forum in Prince George last week, Premier David Eby told the crowd the North Coast transmission line will deliver the certainty major projects need to invest in B.C. Photo: Province of B.C. / Flickr

The B.C. government estimates the projects served by the new transmission line could yield $950 million per year in revenue for the provincial and local governments and boost B.C.’s gross domestic product by “nearly $10 billion per year.” Ksi Lisims is “expected to attract nearly $30 billion in investment,” according to the province.

But in order to lock in those economic benefits, BC Hydro has to provide “cost certainty” to those potential new customers. If that means reducing the amount of money private companies would otherwise be expected to pay, BC Hydro will have to find other ways of recovering those costs.

“Rate payers are going to pay in the end because [these projects] are going to need so much electricity that supply is not going to be able to meet demand and prices are going to have to go up,” explained Andy Hira, a political science professor and director of the Clean Energy Research Group at Simon Fraser University. 

The North Coast transmission line will primarily serve industrial customers, including mining projects and the Port of Prince Rupert. The B.C. government has not been shy about promoting the project as a boon for private companies it hopes will invest in the province.

“This is the reliability companies can count on, every hour of every day,” Premier David Eby told a crowd at the Natural Resources Forum in Prince George, B.C., on Jan. 20. “Certainty that power will be there when companies need it. Certainty that it will be available at a predictable cost. That certainty is what turns proposals into final investment decisions.”

But here’s why that cost certainty could mean higher hydro costs for British Columbians. A cabinet order Dix signed in December could spare large North Coast power users from paying millions to hook into the power grid.

The order includes new contracts specifically for North Coast transmission line customers. One of those contracts deletes a handful of words from a decades-old contract called tariff supplement 6, which requires new industrial customers seeking more than 150 megawatts to pay the costs of generating and transmitting the power beyond that threshold.

A large ship is pulled by two tugboats. The ship has two enormous tanks with "LNG" painted on themBy prioritizing cheap power for power-hungry industries like LNG and mining, B.C. is “mortgaging the possibility of diversifying the province’s economy,” according to Andy Hira, a political science professor and director of the Clean Energy Research Group at Simon Fraser University. Photo: Province of B.C. / Flickr

“This was an important protection for other customers and was put in place in the 1990s after a negotiation overseen by the BC Utilities Commission,” Richard Mason, a former BC Utilities Commission member, told The Narwhal. “New large loads using the North Coast transmission line will almost certainly require BC Hydro to add new generation, raising the average cost for everyone.”The tweak in the new contracts seems to let large projects, like Ksi Lisims, seeking to connect to the North Coast transmission line off the hook for extra generation and transmission costs they would otherwise be required to pay.

“In other words, new customers with large loads won’t have to contribute to any extra transmission or generation cost,” Mason said. “These costs will now be socialized across all BC Hydro’s customers.”

The Energy Ministry did not directly address detailed questions from The Narwhal about the changes. An emailed, unattributed statement from the ministry confirmed “those costs do not apply to new large projects in specific industrial sectors connecting to the BC Hydro system in the North Coast region” under a new contract created by Dix’s order.

The implications of that change are concerning to Hira.

“The fact that they’re doing this behind closed doors, without any public discussion — that they’re passing on potentially huge costs to taxpayers and not providing any justification — is really alarming,” he said. 

The Narwhal asked both the Energy Ministry and BC Hydro how any additional generation or transmission costs would be recouped and whether the government has estimated how much those costs could be for North Coast transmission line customers. 

In its statement, the energy ministry confirmed those costs “will be recovered from all BC Hydro ratepayers, including those industrial customers.”

The statement did not include any mention of a cost estimate but did note that large industrial customers connected to the North Coast transmission line will pay BC Hydro for the electricity they use, as all BC Hydro customers do. North Coast transmission line customers will also have to pay a security deposit to BC Hydro and cover the cost of power lines to their connection point.

Prince Rupert portThe first phase of the North Coast transmission line will help boost electrification at the Port of Prince Rupert. The second phase of the project will run north toward the Alaska border, allowing remote mining and LNG projects the opportunity to electrify their operations. Photo: Marty Clemens / The Narwhal

The B.C. government has considered making changes to tariff supplement 6 since at least 2024. A briefing note prepared for Eby in March 2024 outlined the potential for an unprecedented increase in industrial electricity demand, driven mainly by large industrial customers. Requiring LNG, mining and other companies to pay the costs required under tariff supplement 6 “could be prohibitive,” the document stated.

But companies that expect to reap huge profits from B.C.’s natural resources are well positioned to pay their own costs, Hira argued.

“The government can’t state that companies that are prepared to invest millions in an LNG pipeline and port facilities can’t afford to pay an electricity connection fee — it simply doesn’t make sense,” he said.

In addition to Ksi Lisims, the North Coast transmission line could serve “half a dozen private mining projects worth $50 billion in investment,” according to Mining and Critical Minerals Minister Jagrup Brar. 

Under the new contracts in Dix’s December order, none will be required to pay the extra generation and transmission costs required under tariff supplement 6. The Energy Ministry did not respond when asked how much the change could save eligible projects.

However, another LNG project on the north coast provides a hint. Cedar LNG, near Kitimat, B.C., was subject to tariff supplement 6, seemingly for the first time in the transmission contract’s 30-year history. 

To get Cedar LNG connected to the power grid, the provincial government opted to contribute $200 million to help build a new 287-kilovolt transmission line and other electrical infrastructure in July 2025. The floating liquefaction and export terminal could produce three million tonnes of LNG per year for export to Asian markets, using 214 megawatts of electricity.Neither the province nor Cedar LNG replied to questions about how much the company may have contributed toward the transmission infrastructure.If all of the anticipated North Coast transmission line projects come with similar transmission costs, the cost to BC Hydro could be substantial, even before considering the cost of any new electricity-generating capacity that might be needed to meet the new power demand.

If electricity prices in B.C. do increase significantly, Hira pointed out B.C. could miss out on attracting other industries to invest in the province. Instead, he said, the province seems to be doubling down on natural resource extraction.

“You’re mortgaging the possibility of diversifying the province’s economy.”

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