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No New Jobs Came from Alberta’s $4B ‘Job Creation’ Tax Cut for Big Oil

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Canada’s biggest oil sands companies have benefitted to the tune of $4.3 billion since Alberta handed large corporations a ‘job creation’ tax cut three years ago, but those jobs never materialized, a new study has found.

Instead, a total of 3,452 jobs with oil sands majors were lost to automation and consolidation since 2019, concludes the report from the University of Alberta’s Parkland Institute. “Meanwhile, those same companies added millions of dollars to the compensation of their CEOs and rewarded their shareholders with generous dividends,” the institute says.

Alberta Premier Jason Kenney’s United Conservative Party (UCP) government said 55,000 new jobs would be created, offsetting a projected $2.4-billion loss in revenue, from its plan to cut the corporate tax rate from 12% in 2019 to 8% by 2022. But three years later, and with the 8% tax cut delivered two years ahead of schedule via Alberta’s Recovery Plan, Parkland says that the boon to the corporate sector enriched the coffers of the oil sands “Big Four,” even as provincial revenues tanked by twice the projected amount. And 3,452 oil sands workers have been given pink slips.

“The oil sands majors have been cutting jobs on the front lines, but CEOs and shareholders have remained very well compensated,” said report author Ian Hussey, research manager at Parkland. Digging into the details, he found the CEOs of the so-called “Big Four”—Suncor Energy, Canadian Natural Resource Ltd.,, Cenovus Energy, and Imperial Oil, which account for some 86% of Canada’s oil sands production—have been enjoying an average annual pay raise of $2.35 million since the UCP corporate tax rate changed. The policy shift that left the “Big Four” alone $4.3 billion richer.

With that same amount, the government of Alberta would have had enough funds to add more than 10,000 new employees to its payroll in critical areas like health care and education, Hussey said.

The study found that shareholders have also been considerably enriched, with dividends in some cases totalling “more than twice the amount oil companies paid the province in royalties.”

In 2021, when Big Four CEOs were averaging $12.8 million annual paycheques, and the price of oil was skyrocketing, 2,988 oil workers lost their jobs, a finding that “should concern the UCP government and all Albertans,” Hussey said.

A sustained decrease in capital spending is partly responsible for the job losses, as is the fact that the oil industry has “entered the mature phase of its business life cycle,” he added.

Spending was also reduced as the Big Four navigated weak oil prices from 2015 to 2020, and now the “recent price unpredictability linked to the pandemic and to the Russian invasion of Ukraine.”

And now, despite the UCP’s tax giveaway, “no new oil sands mining megaprojects are being developed or proposed.”

Automation is also driving job losses in the oilfields themselves. Beginning in the wake of the 2014 oil price crash, the process the industry likes to call “de-manning” has intensified since the pandemic, with digitalization in field and back office operations looming large in this “troubling trend.”  

The climate emergency is also lighting a fire under oil operators determined to squeeze every dollar out of their dying industry. “Leading oil sands companies are speeding up automation to lower production costs by cutting jobs because they will soon be competing in a shrinking market, as the peak of global oil demand is likely to occur in the next five years,” Hussey said.

Citing a forecast from Ernst & Young and Petroleum Labour Market Information, he adds that automation may result in 46,108 job losses in the Canadian upstream oil and gas sector by 2040.

Amongst several recommendations, Hussey urges a return to a 12% tax rate for large corporations (the standard across British Columbia, Saskatchewan, and Manitoba) and a federal windfall profit tax “to help pay for household support programs.”

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sarcozona
5 hours ago
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'NAZA' Review: A Devastating Exposé of Israeli Genocidal Policy

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The irksome controversy over “No Other Land” upon winning both the Berlinale Documentary prize and the Academy Award was never really about the film. It was hardly the first strong documentary to call attention to Israel’s official policy of ethnic cleansing, and there were no revelations to be had. But coming just four months after the October 7th Hamas attack, tensions were high, misinformation was rife, and Israel’s decades-long conflation of anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism had burrowed deep into the Western psyche. Simplistic media pieces marveled that Palestinian and Israeli filmmakers were working together, and film festivals claiming “not to take sides” were able to hide behind their programming and have it both ways.

The distance between then and now is saturated with the blood of more than 73,000 people, though casualty figures fail to account for the deliberate infliction of trauma on those who survive. This is the space that “NAZA” seeks to fill, and in its systematic, neutral-toned way of conveying information about Israel’s policy-driven perpetration of genocidal war crimes, it’s a more effective and urgent documentary than “No Other Land.” It also makes sense that it’s directed by only the Israeli half of that film’s directing team, Yuval Abraham and Rachel Szor, who have assumed the responsibility of revealing their government’s hidden activities in a way that would have been impossible had their fellow filmmakers joined them.

The setup is simple and remarkably effective: Over the past three years, they filmed Abraham talking to members of the Israeli military elite at night, on Tel Aviv rooftops. Each of the 24 service members is seen in obscured profile, their voices modified to make identification impossible. Asked about their duties, they describe in detail, frequently using sketchpads, how they executed their orders in Gaza. Some were involved in surveillance, several were guiding lethal drones from the safety of their Tel Aviv headquarters, and others were on the ground. All participated in erasing not just the human presence in Gaza, but the buildings themselves.

“NAZA” is the army word for “collateral damage.” Rather than talk about the murder of non-combatants, the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) use the term “NAZA,” obviating the need to think of dead civilians as men, women and children. This erasure of human costs is not a policy that originated with Benjamin Netanyahu: For decades, the Israeli government has stocked its jails and morgues with Arab men in order to use them as bargaining chips in prisoner exchanges. Six Israelis for 291 Syrians; one dead IDF soldier for 65 prisoners and 40 bodies; one Israeli hostage for 1,027 Palestinian prisoners. The message, disseminated not just within Israel but among the diaspora, is that one Israeli, alive or dead, is worth untold numbers of Arabs.

Understanding that this is policy is crucial for comprehending how Israeli soldiers are expected to dutifully erase entire villages without questioning orders. By saying “200 NAZA” rather than “200 non-combattants killed,” the dehumanization process is handily condensed to four letters. And yet, despite being miles away from the drone attacks, the soldiers directing the strikes hear everything. The IDF listens to all Gazan phones, so they know where people are and whether children are home. They know who’s in an apartment just before the missiles hit, and they hear the screams after the explosions. They even coined a phrase — “Where’s Daddy?” — to describe listening in on a child’s phone, determining when their father will be home, and then sending a missile to kill them all. As one solider matter-of-factly says about a 12-year-old, “You hack her phone, and then you kill her.”

That’s the part most difficult to comprehend: It’s easy to use the term “NAZA” because it’s a cold statistic, but how is it possible to listen to people in agony and still accept that this is a necessary operation? “You feel like God, because you hear everything they say,” explains one of the people interviewed. In many cases, the soldiers have had Arabic training, so they can’t hide behind incomprehension, as so often happens on Western news broadcasts that show distraught Arab women but don’t bother to subtitle what they say.

The geographic distance (Gaza is a mere 37 miles from Tel Aviv) offers another form of psychological detachment, but as one IDF member says, they didn’t need psychologists — they were fully into it. Raised on video games where the more you killed the more points you got, these soldiers just transferred those dopamine highs to real life: Strikes that were successful were fun. What’s more, they’re just following orders. “My role is technical” and “You have to trust the system” are two of the familiar lines used to disguise the moral somersaults needed to perpetrate atrocities.

It’s not as if they don’t understand the ethical implications. The same man who says it was fun also openly admits to knowing Israel is committing genocide. Presumably the reason he agreed to speak with Abraham is because he feels some iota of remorse, though that concept never comes up. Someone else expresses revulsion at seeing dogs devour bodies left to rot, but the disgust doesn’t seem to extend to the killings themselves. (Conversely, the organization Breaking the Silence, composed of former soldiers actively calling attention to Israel’s policy of ethnic cleaning, was featured in Avi Mograbi’s 2021 documentary “The First 54 Years.”)

For those still unwilling to accept the word ‘genocide’ in the context of Palestine, “NAZA” makes clear that the Israeli government believes there are no innocents in Gaza, which is why snipers can so nonchalantly pick off starving people waiting at food distribution points. But genocide is not only the elimination of human lives, it’s also the deliberate destruction of property, to cover up ethnic cleansing and ensure that no one from the eliminated population will come back. Despite official Israeli denials, this too is revealed, as those involved on the ground talk about the premeditated flattening of any structure that could harbor human life.

Abraham and Szor intersperse these chilling testimonies with shots from the rooftops of the Tel Aviv skyline at night. Without seeing faces, we glimpse people in their apartments, watching TV, preparing meals, heading to sleep. The device allows the viewer a momentary space to breathe before the next wrenching description, but it also reflects on the large percentage of Israelis who also “trust the system.”

Will “NAZA” change minds, now that it’s becoming increasingly difficult to disguise what’s happening in Gaza and the West Bank? It has more of a chance than “No Other Land,” though by giving festivals claiming to be apolitical a free pass just for programming the film, we too contribute to a campaign designed to obfuscate the reality so unflinchingly revealed here.

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sarcozona
2 days ago
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Kelvin (23) is considering euthanasia, just like more and more post-covid patients: 'There is nothing left about who I once was' | EenVandaag

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Kelvin Latta (23) is een schim van de sportieve jongen die hij ooit was. "Daar is eigenlijk niks meer van over. Stuk voor stuk ben ik alles kwijtgeraakt, alles is afgebrokkeld. Nu is er eigenlijk niks meer over van wie ik ooit was."

Voor hij ziek werd had Kelvin alles: een goede baan bij de politie, net een nieuwe auto en hij sportte zes keer per week. 2,5 jaar geleden sloeg het noodlot toe. Hij kreeg corona en werd ontzettend ziek. "Op een gegeven moment takelde mijn lichaam steeds verder af. Ik kon niet meer de trap op." Het werd zo erg dat hij nu de hele dag in een half donkere kamer ligt, want prikkels kan hij niet verdragen.

Net als Kelvin lijden steeds meer patiënten die de ziekte postcovid hebben zo erg dat euthanasie de enige uitweg is die ze nog zien. Dit blijkt uit cijfers die EenVandaag heeft opgevraagd bij de Regionale Toetsingscommissies Euthanasie (RTE's). In de jaren van 2022 tot en met 2024 kozen nog negen patiënten voor deze optie, in 2025 lag dit aantal in 1 jaar tijd al op tien.

Al meer dan 2 jaar is Kelvin volledig afhankelijk van de zorg van zijn moeder. We kunnen hem alleen liggend interviewen. Als hij opstaat, dan wordt hij zo duizelig dat hij flauwvalt. Hij kan zich alleen per rolstoel verplaatsen, bijvoorbeeld als hij naar de wc moet.

Voor de rest kan hij alleen maar op bed liggen en soms, op goede dagen, een audioboek luisteren. Kelvin: "Het is één en al verlies. Ik word elke dag weer geconfronteerd met wat ik allemaal niet meer kan. Er is niks meer om naar uit te kijken. Dat voelt eindeloos."

Kelvin heeft het idee dat hij onzichtbaar is geworden voor de maatschappij. "Ik heb het gevoel dat ik levend begraven ben, dat ik ook vergeten ben daardoor. Een soort van verdwenen. Het voelt vaak alsof ik al dood ben, dat ik eigenlijk al niet meer ben. In ieder geval niet de persoon die ik was", omschrijft hij.

Ik heb het gevoel dat ik levend begraven ben, dat ik ook vergeten ben daardoor. Een soort van verdwenen.
Kelvin Latta over zijn postcovid

1 jaar geleden nam hij de loodzware beslissing om een euthanasietraject op te starten. Kelvin: "Ik heb heel veel gesprekken gevoerd met de huisarts, met familieleden en met een geestelijk verzorger. Over hoe ik er zelf in sta. Het is verantwoorden en uitleggen waarom ik mijn leven als uitzichtloos zie. Het is een heel emotioneel traject. Het is de belangrijkste keuze die je kunt maken in je leven. Het is onomkeerbaar."

Jojanneke Kant is huisarts en kent vanuit haar praktijk veel postcovidpatiënten. Ze begrijpt waarom patiënten euthanasie soms als enige uitweg zien. Kant: "Een van mijn patiënten zegt: 'Ik voel me soms gewoon een levende dode.' Het ziektebeeld is zo heftig. Alleen dat kan al genoeg reden zijn voor euthanasie, kan ik me voorstellen als arts."

"Kijk, niemand wil dood. Deze mensen willen niet dood. Alleen ze kunnen niet meer verder met leven. En dat is echt een wezenlijk verschil." Kant snapt dan ook dat patiënten zoals Kelvin hun leven als uitzichtloos ervaren. "Deze mensen zijn al zo lang zo ernstig ziek. Zij zien op een gegeven moment simpelweg geen alternatief meer."

Kant gaat verder: "Als je alleen maar op bed ligt, je niet kunt lezen, je geen film kunt kijken, je met niemand kunt praten. Dan lig je alleen maar op bed te wachten totdat de dag voorbij gaat. Dan heb je geen enkele kwaliteit van leven meer. Die kwaliteit is nul, eigenlijk nog lager dan nul."

De huisarts vindt dat het hier ook een maatschappelijke kwestie gaat. Vanaf 1 januari volgend jaar houdt expertisecentrum C-support op te bestaan, omdat het kabinet de subsidie staakt. Dit heeft grote invloed op patiënten, zegt Kant. "Ik vind dat we deze mensen afschrijven, ik kan het niet anders zeggen. Als je ziet dat expertisecentra de deuren moeten sluiten en hoe weinig langdurig onderzoek er naar de klachten van deze patiënten wordt gedaan, dan snap ik heel erg dat patiënten zich in de steek gelaten voelen. En dat is volgens mij ook zo."

Het steekt Kelvin enorm als er door mensen vraagtekens worden gezet bij de ernst van zijn ziekte."Ik word altijd intens boos als er onbegrip is voor mijn situatie. Mijn hele leven is weggevaagd. Ik was hartstikke actief, ik sportte zes keer per week. Als bewegen de oplossing was, dan had ik dat wel gemerkt."

"Ik heb ook echt alles geprobeerd. Qua medicatie, maar ook fysiotherapie, ergotherapie", somt hij op. "Je ziet misschien niks aan ons van buiten, maar dat betekent niet dat het er niet is. Gelukkig komt er steeds meer bewijs dat er wel degelijk schade aan spieren en het zenuwstelsel te vinden is. Maar dat onbegrip blijft ontzettend pijnlijk."

Begin dit jaar heeft Kelvin zijn euthanasietraject afgerond. Maar toch blijft twijfel een grote rol spelen bij hem. "Er is altijd twijfel. Want wat als ze over een jaar een behandeling vinden of een medicijn dat wel aanslaat? Dan kan mijn leven er weer totaal anders uitzien." Voor Kelvin is het dus vooral een optie voor als het lijden echt niet meer gaat.

Hij heeft weinig hoop op een toekomstige medische doorbraak. "We krijgen amper hulp vanuit de medische wereld. Er wordt geen perspectief geboden vanuit de politiek. Er is te weinig onderzoek. Het lijden is zó intensief en uiteindelijk gaat dat lijden te veel worden. En dat moment wil ik liever voor zijn, dan dat ik daar te laat mee ben."

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sarcozona
3 days ago
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COVID-19 may trigger the same immune pathway as lupus | CIDRAP

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The immune system is the body’s most important defense against disease. It does its essential work by producing proteins called antibodies, which scour the body for disease-causing bacteria, viruses, and other pathogens. 

But sometimes the immune system malfunctions and produces autoantibodies (Abs), proteins that mistakenly target the body’s own tissues instead of finding and destroying illness-causing invaders. This is the case in some COVID-infected people, in whom autoantibodies are linked to severe illness, persistent symptoms, and an increased risk of new-onset autoimmune disease.

This sideways immune response has long been recognized in COVID-19, but what’s been unclear is how this errant process gets set in motion. 

Now, a new study in Immunity sheds light on the immune cells responsible for producing autoantibodies in COVID-infected people and helps explain the molecular process that drives them.

“Our goal was to understand why some people produce autoantibodies after SARS-CoV-2 infection while others do not,” says Jim Heath, PhD, senior author and president of the Institute for Systems Biology (ISB) in Seattle, in an ISB news release. “By combining multiple layers of biological data, we were able to pinpoint the immune cells responsible and identify the regulatory mechanisms that distinguish them.”

DN2 cells overrepresented in high-autoantibody group

For the study, ISB researchers and their partners analyzed data from 209 COVID-infected participants. From this cohort, the researchers selected 12 age-matched women with markedly different autoantibody levels (autoantibody prevalence is higher in women and older adults). 

The team classified the women into two groups—a low-autoantibody group (autoAb-low) and a high-autoantibody group (autoAb-high)—for in-depth analysis. Data were collected before the emergence of the Omicron variant (April 2021) and before participants had been vaccinated.  A separate group of 101 participants was used to validate key results.

According to the findings, a subset of immune cells known as atypical memory B cells were more likely to develop into autoantibody-secreting cells in participants in the autoAb-high group than in those in the autoAb-low group. 

Our findings suggest that SARS-CoV-2 infection can activate an immune program that closely resembles those involved in established autoimmune disorders, helping explain why some individuals experience autoimmune complications following infection.

Plus, the researchers found, a subtype of atypical memory B cells known as double-negative 2 (DN2) B cells were overrepresented in the high-autoantibody group. DN2 cells have been linked to autoantibody production and may play a role in other autoimmune diseases like lupus. 

“A clear difference between autoAb-high and autoAb-low individuals was the enrichment of innate sensing pathways, particularly in DN2s,” write the researchers.

“Our findings suggest that SARS-CoV-2 infection can activate an immune program that closely resembles those involved in established autoimmune disorders, helping explain why some individuals experience autoimmune complications following infection,” lead author Dan Yuan, PhD, of ISB, says in the news release. 

While the current study focused on autoantibody responses following SARS-CoV-2 infection, the findings have broader implications. “Our findings point to specific immune pathways that could become future therapeutic targets," Yuan says in the release. "By understanding how these cells become activated, we move closer to interventions that could prevent or reduce harmful autoimmune responses following infection."

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Saudi Arabia Closes Key East-West Oil Pipeline Following Multiple Attacks - Bloomberg

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sarcozona
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Press Conference: Max D. Lederer Jr., Former Publisher, Stars and Stripes | FCCJ

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PRESS CONFERENCE
Suing the Pentagon 
Max D. Lederer Jr., Former Publisher, Stars and Stripes

11:00-12:00 Monday, September 14, 2026
Language: The speech and Q & A will be in English.

In August, the Pentagon fired Max D. Lederer Jr., publisher of the Stars and Stripes U.S. military newspaper; Erik Slavin, editor-in-chief; and Lara Korte, Middle East reporter. They were dismissed for alleged "insubordination" in a move that followed Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth's efforts to exert control over the publication and end "woke distractions."

Lederer had earlier announced his retirement after decades at the helm of the newspaper, which has always enjoyed editorial freedom in covering the U.S. military. In April, the Pentagon fired ombudsman Jacqueline Smith, whose mandate from Congress was to protect the paper's independence.

Lederer, Slavin and Korte have now launched a federal lawsuit against the Pentagon, which partly funds the Stars and Stripes, alleging that it violated their First Amendment rights to speak out against government interference in their reporting. They claim their termination was the result of comments they made about editorial independence as well as their reporting on deteriorating conditions for sailors aboard the U.S.S. Abraham Lincoln.

Please join us to hear Lederer give an account from the frontlines of the battle against the press waged by Hegseth and President Donald Trump.

How to attend
Please register by emailing front@fccj.or.jp with your name and the name of your media outlet. FCCJ members should also include their membership number. Doors will open 15 minutes before the event.

How to watch online: https://www.youtube.com/c/FCCJchannel/live  

How to ask questions: https://forms.gle/TJ1naS4TgDXQ9oh38  

TV crew: Please make a reservation at front@fccj.or.jp. Doors open for TV crews only at 30 minutes before the event. FCCJ will limit live-streaming of FCCJ-hosted press conferences to Club members only. Non-members will no longer be permitted to live-stream these events. However, non-members may still film for reporting purposes and use footage after the press conference.

Professional Activities Committee
 

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