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Watch how government propaganda techniques portray Chicago as a city at war with the feds - Chicago Sun-Times

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Nearly two months into President Donald Trump’s aggressive immigration enforcement campaign, social media feeds from his administration and its right-wing allies paint a grim picture of Chicago: a city plagued by violent criminals that is at war with the federal government.

Made-for-Hollywood videos depict heroic military-style raids. “Criminal illegal aliens” are chased down and handcuffed. An immigration facility is shown bracing for attacks by “agitators” and “terrorists.”

Altogether, the media blitz aims to build public support for these enforcement efforts.

Yet the government’s storytelling doesn’t always match what’s happening in communities across the nation’s third-largest city and its suburbs. Nick Cull, a professor at the University of Southern California’s Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism, calls it government “propaganda.”

“By propaganda, what I mean is mass political persuasion,” said Cull, who co-edited the book “Propaganda and Mass Persuasion: A Historical Encyclopedia, 1500-present.”

The Trump administration uses particular elements of propaganda to build its case that the enforcement is needed, Cull and other experts say.

Military imagery projects government strength in the face of Chicago’s dangers. Hyperbolic language describes unremarkable protests. Strong leaders like Gregory Bovino, commander-at-large of the U.S. Border Patrol, are propped up as the face of the campaign. Memes and references to pop culture tap into a younger audience. And social media influencers are deputized to spread the message.

This all coincides with a campaign to recruit more immigration agents that appeals to American nostalgia and patriotism while vilifying immigrants. One U.S. Department of Homeland Security ad with shadowy figures holding swords in a cloud of fog calls on Americans to “defend your hearth and home” because “the enemies are at the gates.” Another features a Coca-Cola bottle on a classic red Ford Bronco and says “America is worth fighting for.”

Cull said propaganda targets “people’s fears [and] darkest thoughts” and affirms them — in this case about immigration. But the techniques can also sway people who are on the fence.

“They are filming these raids and then making these sizzle reels of apprehensions and grappling and long guns that are very exciting for young people to see and to feel a sense of duty and purpose as a result,” said Boston University assistant professor Joan Donovan, co-author of the book “Meme Wars: The Untold Story of the Online Battles Upending Democracy in America.”

Cull said the diverging sources of information are creating “parallel universes.”

“There’s a battle in Chicago for one part of the American population,” he said, “and there’s just police and paramilitaries bullying people for another part of the population.”

With help from Cull, Donovan and a former senior DHS official, the Chicago Sun-Times analyzed five examples of these propaganda videos and the techniques they rely on to convey the government’s narrative.

Hollywood-style heroes ‘neutralize’ the danger

It starts with the sound of helicopter blades whirring in the night sky and flashlights shining on an apartment building.

Then the action music kicks in.

Men in military-style clothing hold large weapons and look ready to storm the complex. Agents climb ladders to get inside. They smash down apartment doors. They come back out with Latino men whose wrists are zip-tied behind their backs.

Residents described this Sept. 30 raid of a South Shore neighborhood apartment building — conducted in the middle of the night — as terrifying. Witnesses said flash grenades went off in the hallways, and men, women and children were pulled from their apartments, some of them naked. A neighbor hid a screaming 7-year-old girl and her mother. U.S. citizens were zip-tied for hours.

The highly produced video published by DHS shows heroism — not any of those details.

“There’s movie-type music, there’s zooming in, you’re moving through a rapid-edited action sequence,” Cull said. “It’s like outtakes from a motion picture. High quality. Those are the ones where you see the people who have been rounded up. So the idea that something heroic is taking place, somebody dangerous has been neutralized.

“It’s striking and resonating with long-standing elements in American popular culture,” he said. “Like the sort of saddling-up scenes, when American cops or the military are getting ready for a mission.”

Donovan says editing out the “tears and screams of the children and families” helps DHS meet its goal of “normalizing” the militaristic activity for the American public.

And how does DHS make a video like the one from South Shore?

Security footage from a nearby elementary school gives an answer. Obtained by the Sun-Times through a public records request, it shows a camera crew of at least nine people wearing street clothing filming the entire raid, some with neon Department of Homeland Security Office of Public Affairs vests.

Surveillance footage obtained by the Sun-Times through a public records request from a nearby school shows a team of Homeland Security photographers capturing footage of the South Shore raid that later would be used in highly produced videos.

Gil Kerlikowske, a former commissioner of U.S. Customs and Border Protection, which oversees Border Patrol, said DHS “can’t burn barrels of cash fast enough” since getting a funding infusion from Congress this year.

“It’s abhorrent to me to see the taxpayer dollar being used in this way, in propaganda and show,” he said.

Military imagery projects government strength

The feds have publicized one other high-intensity nighttime raid in the Chicago area. It took place in suburban Elgin a few weeks prior.

The video DHS posted of the raid starts with dimly lit scenes and lyrics from a cover of the Nirvana song “Smells Like Teen Spirit”: “Load up on guns, bring your friends.”

Agents led by Bovino and Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem drive in front of the Chicago skyline and pass Trump Tower — some of them hanging off the backs of trucks — as they prepare for a seemingly major military mission.

The video cuts to an overhead view of the target house from a helicopter — some 40 miles away from Downtown Chicago — before there’s a sudden explosion as the house’s front door is blown open.

Electronic music fades in, and men are brought out of the house under arrest.

“There’s no operational need for any of these techniques,” Kerlikowske said of the firepower. “This is all about showboating.”

Cull said the video is “implying the strength and capability of ICE and associating those operations with the iconography of the American military and American military capability,” which he describes as the “fetishization of the military.”

The military target is “designed not to be recognizable,” he said, so the Trump administration can sell the raid as an advertisement of “making America safe again” that can be repeated in any American city. The video doesn’t show that two U.S. citizens were among those detained.

Donovan said DHS intentionally uses “contentious messaging” to anger people who oppose the deportation efforts while entertaining those in support.

“Things don’t tend to trend or reach new audiences if they don’t upset one large part of a group while also making another group laugh,” she said.

An internet personality says ‘terrorists’ are attacking ICE

“What’s up guys! Today, we’re going on an ICE raid with Sec. Kristi Noem through Chicago,” right-wing internet personality Benny Johnson says to start his 12-minute, 41-second highlight reel. He has more than 12 million total followers on X, Instagram and YouTube.

“It’s going to be an absolutely wild day,” he continues. “Come along with us as we show you what a day in the life of an ICE agent inside one of America’s most Democrat, left-wing cities is actually like.”

Johnson, who lives in Tampa Bay, Florida, starts the day at Trump Tower with Noem, who gives him a hug.

At one point Johnson dons a Border Patrol vest during a raid outside a Walmart. But much of the video takes place in west suburban Broadview, home to the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement facility, which Johnson calls the “No. 1 most-attacked ICE facility in America.”

DHS has claimed the daily protests outside the Broadview facility have been violent, classifying them as riots. A federal judge has been skeptical, ordering the feds to limit their use of force.

Johnson calls the protesters “agitators” and a “terrorist element” as he shows a few who have been detained. He doesn’t interview protesters at any point.

Cull said it’s jarring to see a social media influencer talking about “being with ICE as they face down dangerous terrorists,” when in the video, “You just see a rather unimpressive line of protesters with cardboard signs.”

“To dignify them with the vocabulary you use to describe the seasoned killers of ISIS is just absurd,” he said.

“It’s all anticipation and mood and atmosphere,” Cull said, pointing out that the video never shows the action that Johnson describes. “I wasn’t seeing great acts of bravery, I wasn’t watching something that would live on in the archives as an amazing moment of justice or heroism or anything really. … And by the end, I wanted to fast forward just to see, ‘Oh come on, at what point does something actually happen in this video.’”

Yet the propaganda technique works.

“You go straight to the comments, and you see how people are being affirmed by this,” Cull said. “They have comments on those videos like, ‘God bless ICE. Thank you for what you’re doing.’”

A trusted voice is given special access to share ICE’s perspective

Right-wing social media personality Ben Bergquam sits in a vehicle with ICE officers, listening to their perspective as they describe their mission and the people with criminal records they’re targeting.

The ride-along gives the audience a rare behind-the-scenes look at deportation efforts through the point of view of federal agents — whose faces Bergquam’s video blurs.

Commentator Ben Bergquam rides along with ICE officers, whose faces he blurs, in a video he posted to Instagram.

Cull said this type of access successfully gets the government’s message out through an internet personality whom an audience identifies with and trusts.

“DHS is able to borrow credibility,” Cull said.

But who exactly is the source, and how do they influence the content?

In Bergquam’s case, his show has peddled the great replacement theory, which falsely states that Democrats promote pro-immigration policies to dilute the white population. Bergquam often appears alongside Trump adviser and far-right leader Steve Bannon.

Bergquam has almost 200,000 followers on Instagram — a number that has grown during the feds’ two months in Chicago. He contributes to the right-wing news channel Real America’s Voice.

Main characters Bovino and Noem play the role of strong leaders

As he leaves a hearing with a federal judge in late October, Bovino hangs out of a DHS vehicle outside the courthouse and gives military hand signals to his agents.

With a popular social media song playing, the video cuts to glamour shots of Bovino in the field and posed photos. The DHS post says Bovino is “putting his life on the line to protect our citizens, and no amount of radical terror or anarchy will stop us in our mission.”

Cull said this propping up of key leaders turns into cosplay in which Bovino and Noem are main characters.

“The way that Kristi Noem has stylized herself over and over, you can get the feeling in some instances that you’re watching a movie,” Donovan said, adding that Bovino is “explicitly playing the role of GI Joe.”

“His image is very iconic,” Donovan said. “The way he dresses, the sharpness of the hand signals that may or may not mean something. All of those things fit the stereotype.”

Bovino has become an identifiable personality in recent months. He’s been the only federal agent with his name on his uniform in an enforcement campaign that has seen a federal judge crack down on unidentifiable agents. DHS has posted videos of him laughing and shaking hands with customers in a convenience store.

He and Noem have posed for photos and videos on the rooftops of buildings, in front of protesters and on the Chicago River. Noem arrived in Chicago for the Elgin raid and left hours later.

“In an authoritarian system, you have identifiable leaders, and the leaders have answers,” Cull said. “So orienting toward leaders is one of the principles of this kind of politics.

“It’s a playbook that, to be 100% honest, I recognize from looking at Roman emperors rather than American presidents.”

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AI Immunotherapy Advance in Cancer Research | MetaFilter

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AI Immunotherapy Advance in Cancer Research
November 8, 2025 9:38 PM   Subscribe

How a Gemma model helped discover a new potential cancer therapy pathway.

Many tumors are “cold” — invisible to the body's immune system. We can make them “hot” by forcing them to display immune-triggering signals through a process called antigen presentation. Using their C2S-Scale 27B model, Google tasked the AI with finding drugs that acts as a conditional amplifier, one that would boost the immune signal under certain tumour conditions. C2S-Scale successfully identified a novel, interferon-conditional amplifier, revealing a new potential pathway to make “cold” tumors “hot". The effectiveness of the drug, silmitasertib, has been verified in vitro. While this is an early first step, it gives us a powerful, experimentally-validated lead for developing new combination therapies.

Background: Google's Gemma / C2S-Scale 27B model is a transformer model that is kind of like an LLM except that instead of words or tokens, the model processes gene-expression features from single-cell RNA sequencing (scRNA-seq) data. Each cell is represented as a high-dimensional vector of gene activity levels — thousands of genes per cell. During training, the model learns to predict and reconstruct patterns of co-expression, regulation, and cell-state transitions — analogous to how LLMs learn word co-occurrence and syntax. It is an “LLM for cells”: it learns the statistical structure of biological data rather than text.

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Memo? No, you mo. – Diagram Monkey

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I find the wording of the Paris Agreement rather hard to keep in my head, but I do remember the bit about “in the context of sustainable development and efforts to eradicate poverty” and “in a manner that does not threaten food production” and, well, there’s something about climate too.

In the large and varied response to a memo by Bill Gates, I haven’t heard this simple fact mentioned. See e.g.

It seems relevant.

Gates’ memo – three tough truths about climate – is eloquently rebutted in the above essays (etc). You might not agree with them, but they add context that Gates left out and are all well worth a read particularly on the stuff that Gates gets wrong.

Gates has responded, sort of. And there was a panel thingy which responds to the responses and all that meta gubbins and then more responses and more. It’s all interesting, thought-provoking stuff.

The memo and some of the responses to it reflect one of the big difficulties with climate change which is the difficulty…

  1. of imagining this world as it is.
  2. of imagining a world very different from the one we currently live in.
  3. of imagining many worlds that are all very different from this one and each other.

The memo is predicated on a sort of techno-optimist view of the present projected out into the future; one where innovation saves the day (but only if it makes money), more energy use is always good, AI lives up to the hype, governments keep their promises about emissions reductions1 and the climate never swerves from the median of the projections. While the future will be warmer, it will – in this view – be warmer in a manageable way.

That this future might not be quite so rosy as it seems kind of forces its way into and back out of the text. “Some outdoor work“, Gates notes breezily, “will need to pause during the hottest hours of the day, and governments will have to invest in cooling centers and better early warning systems for extreme heat and weather events.

Equally breezy is

Every time governments rebuild, whether it’s homes in Los Angeles or highways in Delhi, they’ll have to build smarter: fire-resistant materials, rooftop sprinklers, better land management to keep flames from spreading, and infrastructure designed to withstand harsh winds and heavy rainfall.

Every time governments rebuild <gestures airily>

In another example,

What happens to the number of projected deaths from climate change when you account for the expected economic growth of low-income countries over the rest of this century? The answer: It falls by more than 50 percent.

and what about the other 50%, Bill? The idea, I suppose, is that if they can just make enough money, they’ll all be saved. It requires a certain optimism that the world in 2100 will be a better place than it is now. Given that the whole memo is predicated on a withdrawal of aid and everything that goes with that2, it’s more hope than prediction. Also, Gates says this is “deaths from climate change” but it’s not, it’s just temperature-related mortality – just one of the many ways that climate change might kill you – so there’s that too.

Lurking behind his “three tough truths” therefore is an even tougher one3 which is that we might be changing the world hugely and irrevocably and the consequences will be worst for the poorest and, because climate is everywhere always, there’s no escaping it. Climate sensitivity might be higher than the median4, tipping points might actually get tipped5. Even within the neatly circumscribed and well-behaved future Gates lays out, we still have to consider sea level rise that changes coastlines forever, flooding of megacities, and… pausing during the hottest hours of the day and fleeing to the cooling centres when the sirens sound.

I suppose Gates could come back and say that climate activists have failed to imagine the technical sophistication of the future and don’t give enough credit to the extraordinary capacity of human innovation and adaptability. He’s already suggested that his critics lack the imagination necessary to see that with the cuts in aid, “tough” choices need to be made, or to grasp the misery of the hundreds of millions living in extreme poverty around the world today.

This is where most of the criticism hits: Gates just accepts that there’s less money as if that weren’t something that could be changed, as if it had nothing to do with the concentration of the concentration of wealth in the hands of a tiny number of people like himself, people who see the world as something to be directed in their own interests. In this view, Gates gets maximum props for actually caring about poverty – widely considered a good thing – but it all happens within the sphere that treats hecto-billionaires as a good thing, a point on which there is far less agreement.

My favourite bit of Gates’ memo is the little epilogue about another memo he wrote concerning the need for Microsoft to embrace the internet. The memo is quite a read from the vantage point of 2025 but as a metaphor for the current situation, I guess it works just fine: a lack of actual vision coupled with various musing about how to grab as much of it as possible for himself, all of which led to nothing of actual lasting value6 and was, in fact, a template for the whole crappy tech hellscape we have today.

-fin-

* on the other hand, according to at least one study, you are less likely to be poisoned.

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Literary Hub » Maybe Don’t Talk to the New York Times About Zohran Mamdani

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It’s remarkable, the people you’ll hear from. Teach for even a little while at an expensive institution—the term they tend to prefer is “elite”—and odds are that eventually someone who was a student there, who maybe resided only on the far periphery of your professional orbit, will become one or another kind of famous. At that point, out of the vast and silent ether, messages will come glowing into your inbox one after another. Do you remember this person? they will say. Was he your student? Did you work with him? We’re hoping for some insight—would it be possible for us to talk for a bit?

I taught at a place called Bowdoin College for 16 years, and during the last of those there was a student in attendance you’ve perhaps heard of. His name is Zohran Mamdani. And so, shortly after his startling, spirit-lifting victory in the primary last spring, the gentle flood of inquiries commenced. Word had gotten out not only that he went to Bowdoin—again, a very pricey, very wealthy, quite comprehensively the-thing-that-it-is small liberal arts college on the East Coast—but that, while there, he had majored in something called “Africana Studies.” You can probably see where this is going.

The first few messages wondered if I knew him (I don’t think I did, though I certainly had students who did, and do), if I taught him (possibly? but in truth not that I remembered), but mostly if I could say something about what he might have been reading and doing and studying, there in his time at this little college on the coast of Maine. More than once, the name “Frantz Fanon” was broached—which had the virtue of certain hand-showing clarity.

It gives me no joy to admit that there are certain kinds of professors who love little more than seeing their names in the paper. It’s not great, but there it is. (These are often the same sorts of people who will drop into an otherwise ordinaryish conversation phrases like, “No sure it’s like when I was teaching that big lecture class, to my students at Yale University…”) But I like to think even they would’ve been able to spot the coiled wires and rusty springs of this particular trap.

Beneath its humdrum requests, every email said more or less the same thing: Can you explain how reading certain things can turn a person into a socialist—and, possibly, a terrorist-sympathizing antisemite? It’s a storied gambit of the right at its most grimly predictable. “People read Foucault,” the redoubtable David Brooks once wrote, in an actual column that I’ve all but committed to memory, “and develop an alienated view of the world.” God, did I love this. An “alienated view of the world”! Not by, like, trying to pay rent or having an insurance claim denied—no, no, it was probably the Foucault you read in 2003. Anyway, it was clearly time to get the elaborate machinery of manufactured bewilderment and sour indignation up and running again.

The storied choice between socialism and barbarism was made exquisitely clear a good many years ago in the United States, and both major parties chose barbarism.

But then something strange happened. Some time after the initial rush died down, I got a message that seemed at least marginally less disreputable. A writer at the Times contacted me to talk. He said he was less interested in Mamdani himself than he was in the Africana Studies part—a department of which, for a handful of years back at Bowdoin, I was indeed chair. This was a kind of dilemma.

On the one hand, like a lot of my friends and peers I think it’s wise to decline speaking to the Times on principle. The reasons aren’t especially obscure: Palestine superabundantly, but also decades of hyper-sensationalizing crime reporting, the neverending centrist stooge’ing, all the unparody-able rest of it. On the other, though, this was not a request to write but to contribute something in the way of context, knowledge even, and I did in fact have some legit expertise on the question of Africana Studies, a discipline about which I have a lot of detailed, informed, enthusiastically ratifying things to say.

Then too there was a whole other set of incentives. It’s fair to say that, former student of mine or not, I’ve loved Mamdani’s campaign, and loved in particular the glad-hearted and admirably steady way he’s brought what not that long ago would have been absolutely ordinary social-democratic priorities (in respect to affordability, housing, health, food, education) back into the realm of mainstream political discourse.

For some time I’ve been saying that the storied choice between socialism and barbarism was made exquisitely clear a good many years ago in the United States, and both major parties chose barbarism. They are obviously and consequentially different barbarisms—one had reproductive freedom, vaccines, and trans health care in it, at least for a while—and I can tell you why I have sincerely preferred one to the other. But we oughtn’t to kid ourselves. From the perspective of a world of increasingly unimaginable maldistribution of resources, cascading ecological collapse, a genocide cheered on by a putatively liberal order, both are barbarisms. Mamdani seemed to me a small glimmering break in the wall of all that. A part of me wanted to do him a solid.

And so, after consulting with friends a little more media-seasoned than I, and exchanging some emails with the reporter laying out what I was and wasn’t interested in speaking about, I agreed to an interview. I did this because, in ways you might think I’d have outgrown by now, I’m a fucking idiot.

*

As it happened, the reporter and I never spoke. We made an appointment that he missed, and because my current job is something of a bureaucratic black hole, I wasn’t able to clear another time to talk. I did write him a longish message about Africana Studies, and he did speak with at least two of my former colleagues (who, bless them, acquitted themselves more than admirably). And he managed to write that story, which appeared in the Times less than a week before the mayoral election, under the anodyne title “How a Small Elite College Influenced Mamdani’s World View.” It’s a wreck, but of a form so pure, so purely Timesian, you almost have to admire it. It certainly is instructive.

Here’s the pitch:

Mr. Mamdani graduated in 2014 from Bowdoin College, in Brunswick, Maine, with a bachelor’s degree in Africana studies. And his experience there—readings of critical race theorists in the classroom and activism for left-wing causes on campus—is emblematic of the highly charged debate over what is taught in American universities.

Critics say the growth of these programs, which aim to teach about historical events from the perspective of marginalized and oppressed groups, has turned colleges into feckless workshops for leftist political orthodoxy.

“Critics say” is the tell, and does it ever go on telling. First, note that this criticism (“Majors like Africana studies, or any of its siblings such as women’s studies, these critics charge, promote a worldview that sees little to admire in American history. Some disparagingly call the entire field ‘grievance studies’”) gives to the article the whole of its contrapuntal structure of argument: these scholars and teachers say Mr. Mamdani’s education is substantial, yet critics say something else. But then note as well that this counter-position is substantiated, in its length and breadth, by: J. D. Vance and the National Association of Scholars (NAS), the former a man whose fervid anti-intellectualism needs no introduction, the latter a conservative 501(c)3 flush with money from the Olin, Bradly, and Castle Rock Foundations, and more lately affiliated with the Heritage Foundation and its delirious “Project 2025” document. The author refers to the group as “conservative-leaning,” which, ok. I guess you could say Latvia was a little antisemitic-leaning during the war.

What you get is a piece making the various more or less bovine noises of studious grey-lady impartiality, with the labor of anything resembling “appraisal” surgically excised.

It was this very NAS who, back in 2013, issued a white paper about the decadence and depravity of Bowdoin College particularly, clutching at pearls by the ropefull in objection to the college’s justice-forward curricula, its alleged diminishment of the classical virtues, the bare existence of something called “queer studies.” (Full disclosure: I was, in my full-throttle commitment to destroying those heralded civilizational virtues, also chair of the Program in Gay and Lesbian Studies for a while there.) It for sure made a sort of splash when it appeared, although the Times author does not note it did so chiefly by gathering around itself pleasing and extensive ridicule, most all of it on the grounds of being a bathetically unscholarly corporate-sponsored piece of risible chaff. The great Gawker headline summed it all up best: “Conservative Scholar’s Investigation Says Bowdoin College is Awesome,” it read, which I can say was much appreciated in the hallways of the college back then.

For all that, I read last week’s Times piece with a genuine sinking of heart, though not because it was especially unforeseen or even because it will have any serious effect, either on Bowdoin or on Mamdani himself, whose path to decisive victory went on quite undiverted. The gall, you could say, had a different savor.

When writing to a journalist friend, I just said that it’s a bit unravelling, right now, to be on the receiving end of this kind of belated real-time education in elite metabolization. Like so many other bits of Times coverage, the whole of the piece is structured as an orchestrated encounter. Some people say this; however, others say this. It’s so offhand you can think you’re gazing through a pane of glass. Only when you stand a little closer, or when circumstances make you a little less blinkered, do you notice the fact which then becomes blinding and finally crazymaking, which is just that there is zero, less than zero, stress put on the relation between those two “sides,” or their histories, or their sponsors, or their relative evidentiary authority, or any of it. Instead, what you get is a piece making the various more or less bovine noises of studious grey-lady impartiality, with the labor of anything resembling “appraisal” surgically excised.

One can take some comfort, I suppose, from the sense that, in this instance at least, the stakes were pretty low. Unlike the austerity-battered and enormous urban working-class university where I now teach, Bowdoin is a preposterously rich school, beloved by and to the planetary ruling classes, and they’ll be fine. Shed no tears for the place, or for what is functionally a bit of prestige-media advertising, unlikely even in its most churlish moments to discourage any of its chosen demographic from applying. As for Mamdani, he cruised to a victory that was no less resounding, and no less heartlifting, for being achieved in the teeth of so much unhinged hatefulness.

But that comfort wears thin pretty quickly, and I imagine you can see why. In contexts not concerning the elite private colleges of New England and their decades-old conflicts and syllabi and on-campus squabbles, this mode of prestige media procedure matters absolutely and enormously, at scales difficult to tabulate. It’s not hard to call them all to mind: “Climate change is increasingly lethal, though critics say… it is not.” Or, “Israel is murdering journalists in Gaza at historically unprecedented rates, though critics say… it is not.” Or, “Trans people claim to be real, though critics say…”

Every bit of this is disheartening on its face. But it’s actually worse than any first-blush irritation, that familiar annoyance that comes from encountering still another textbook exercise in witless triangulation. Because what this sort of reporting ultimately means is that if you have enough money to get somebody, anybody, to produce a white paper for you, which you can then put on some think-tank stationery? Then, my friend, you are ready to enter into the rushing current of elite reportage. For no matter how unhinged the position you’ve taken, or paid someone marginally credentialed to sketch out on your behalf—“Can Woman Think?: We Investigate,” “Is the Negro a Man: A Reconsideration”—that opinion will, by virtue of such provenance, possess all needed evidentiary gravity for the Times. And then some. (Only yesterday the Times ran this actual story, which is not parody.)

It’s all a bit humiliating—or it is for me. Because I did take time for this reporter, despite my misgivings. I even went so far as to write my thoughts out for him, on the chance they might be clarifying or useful. “The first thing to say,” I told him, “is that Africana Studies at Bowdoin is less a singular pursuit than a suite of scholarly disciplines, condensed around a set of objects and questions.” And then, warming to the pedagogical project, I talked about anthropology, art and architecture, music, religion, the history of science, whole grand traditions of invention and resolve. I talk about James Weldon Johnson, and Gwendolyn Brooks, and Charles Chestnutt, and Nella Larsen, and Hortense Spillers, and a good deal else and I mean… would you listen to how pathetic that all sounds?

I read it over now with this kind of full-spectrum cringe of the spirit. It’s the rattle of a person going on and professorially on, quite as if the substance of a discipline, or its intellectual trajectory, or even just the nourishing joy of sustained and serious study, mattered at all to the person he was talking to, or to the majestic institution he represents. And honestly, what could be more feeble?

It’s not that those things don’t matter: they absolutely goddamn do, and will keep on mattering, and I wouldn’t go on with the whole tedious business of teaching if I thought otherwise. It’s just that they never mattered much to the Times and they are, to appearances, mattering less and less by the day. I should remember that, and so should you.

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sarcozona
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synapsecracklepop
3 hours ago
lol "bovine noises". I'm re-reading Sally Mann's memoir Hold Still right now, and she quotes Janet Malcolm's "wry assessment of the journalistic subject [from] her provocative book The Journalist and the Murderer: 'Like the young Aztec men and women selected for sacrifice, who lived in delightful ease and luxury until the appointed day when their hearts were to be carved from their chests, journalistic subjects know all too well what awaits them when the days of wine and roses -- the days of interviews -- are over. And still they say yes when a journalist calls, and still they are astonished when they see the flash of the knife.'" I'm glad this author had a sense of the glint, was spared deus ex schedule, AND shared their perspective afterward.
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A tale of two visions for Canada's future - Ricochet

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This week, Canadians were presented a budget that went over like a lead balloon. No one from any corner of the political spectrum has described this as anything approaching visionary, as meeting the moment, or as a plan that Canadians can see themselves supported by and reflected in. With inequality at record levels, heading into a holiday season where food bank use is soaring, and with millions of Canadians feeling stretched if not struggling to cover the basics, this budget promises them essentially nothing. What it does do is simultaneously decide to provide tax relief to folks who are in the market for a new yacht, while cutting pension benefits for disabled RCMP personnel. And they say metaphor is dead.

Despite the government bemoaning the lack of necessary tax revenue while the ultra-rich pay just over half the effective tax rate the average Canadian pays, this budget neither generates needed revenue by increasing taxes on the wealthy and mega-corporations, nor reduces the tax burden on lower-income Canadians. Instead, the federal government’s new budget is the worst of both worlds, bleeding $58 billion from federal public services in order to continue the decades-long transfer of wealth to the top one per cent, paid for by the rest of us.

If Budget 2026 possesses any audacity, it is in daring to offer more to the wealthiest among us and to big corporations already raking in record profits, while demanding ‘sacrifice’ of everyday Canadians.

Within a matter of hours, focus shifted from what was actually in the budget to opposition MPs. Will enough of them find a way to support this budget — or at least find a way not to oppose it? Because if there is anything Canadians want less than this austerity budget, it is to be plunged into an exhausting, uninspiring winter election with the same players and the same options in front of us.

The federal government’s new budget is the worst of both worlds, bleeding $58 billion from federal public services to continue the decades-long transfer of wealth to the top one per cent, paid for by the rest of us.

It is in this national context that so many of us watched the New York City mayoral election come to a close that same night. In an election with the highest voter turnout since 1969, a New York State Assemblyman with a name most New Yorkers hadn’t even heard a year ago brought together a multi-ethnic, multi-faith, cross-generational coalition of working people and won on a clear platform of making life more affordable for everyone. 

He did this in spite of an enormous financial disadvantage, as a wide and cross-partisan array of billionaires and big money — including MAGA hedge funder Bill Ackman, billion dollar app Door Dash, billionaire Airbnb cofounder Joe Gebbia, and billionaire three-term New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg to name a few — spent millions of dollars in a last-ditch effort to beat him.In his victory speech, Zohran Mamdani spoke to the same paralyzing status quo we are facing here, citing fear “that we would be condemned only to a future of less, with every election consigning us simply to more of the same.”

Indeed here at home, it seems the only visions on offer are various combinations of the same policies and predilections that got us here. More cuts and constrictions on public services that we know help everyday people build prosperity. More tax giveaways for big corporations and ultra-wealthy people, on the hope that maybe this time they will lead to more investment, when a decade of evidence shows they have not. More of Canadians being extorted by corporations as we trade concessions for jobs, and then watch those jobs vanish anyway. More small ball, supposedly common sense measures to address overwhelming crises — and then, eventually the rolling back of those very same measures because they weren’t ambitious enough to earn any supporters.

In his victory speech, Mamdani spoke to the same paralyzing status quo we are facing here.

You can have your austerity fast or you can have it slow. You can have it in a strident adversarial package, in a package with dulcet tones and great hair, or in a knee-jerk nationalism that flickers like a mirage when you get too close. But what you can’t have — what is not on offer — is a vision that puts real, lasting, material changes to the lives of everyday people at the centre.

But in New York City, the beating heart of global capitalism, Mamdani broke through and won big by offering something different. In his own words, he presented New Yorkers with “a bold vision of what we will achieve, rather than a list of excuses for what we are too timid to attempt” and centred that vision on “the most ambitious agenda to tackle the cost-of-living crisis that this city has seen since the days of Fiorello La Guardia: an agenda that will freeze the rents for more than two million rent-stabilized tenants, make buses fast and free, and deliver universal child care across our city.”

This week, Canadians saw two ways forward. Two visions for what the future could be. The first vision is clear and present. We’ve not just seen this movie before. We’re living it. For over four decades, we have tried austerity and strangling public services. We’ve tried neoliberal economies built around corporate tax cuts, domestic monopolies, and the slow surrender of our sovereignty to American multinationals. It ends with stagnating wages, soaring cost of living, skyrocketing inequality, and crumbling public services. It ends with a country so sick of their options they’d rather ignore a budget that offers no help in a cost-of-living crisis than face another election.

It’s time for a different vision that actually addresses the most pressing needs of working people and begins to put them at the centre of their own economy. While many of these policies are already being applied successfully somewhere in the world, some may not be as successful as we hope. But it is clear that more than anything, what people want from their government is to at least get caught trying.

For an example of that new way forward, just look at New York. After all, if it can make it there, it can make it anywhere. 

Jared A. Walker is the Executive Director of Canadians for Tax Fairness, a non-profit, non-partisan research and advocacy group fighting for fair, progressive taxation. He is also the Vice Chair of the Broadbent Institute Board of Directors.

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OP: See how we chinese chefs fire up fresh dishes in the wok (cr 厨师姐)

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OP: See how we chinese chefs fire up fresh dishes in the wok (cr 厨师姐)

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