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Kelvin (23) is considering euthanasia, just like more and more post-covid patients: 'There is nothing left about who I once was' | EenVandaag

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Kelvin Latta (23) is een schim van de sportieve jongen die hij ooit was. "Daar is eigenlijk niks meer van over. Stuk voor stuk ben ik alles kwijtgeraakt, alles is afgebrokkeld. Nu is er eigenlijk niks meer over van wie ik ooit was."

Voor hij ziek werd had Kelvin alles: een goede baan bij de politie, net een nieuwe auto en hij sportte zes keer per week. 2,5 jaar geleden sloeg het noodlot toe. Hij kreeg corona en werd ontzettend ziek. "Op een gegeven moment takelde mijn lichaam steeds verder af. Ik kon niet meer de trap op." Het werd zo erg dat hij nu de hele dag in een half donkere kamer ligt, want prikkels kan hij niet verdragen.

Net als Kelvin lijden steeds meer patiënten die de ziekte postcovid hebben zo erg dat euthanasie de enige uitweg is die ze nog zien. Dit blijkt uit cijfers die EenVandaag heeft opgevraagd bij de Regionale Toetsingscommissies Euthanasie (RTE's). In de jaren van 2022 tot en met 2024 kozen nog negen patiënten voor deze optie, in 2025 lag dit aantal in 1 jaar tijd al op tien.

Al meer dan 2 jaar is Kelvin volledig afhankelijk van de zorg van zijn moeder. We kunnen hem alleen liggend interviewen. Als hij opstaat, dan wordt hij zo duizelig dat hij flauwvalt. Hij kan zich alleen per rolstoel verplaatsen, bijvoorbeeld als hij naar de wc moet.

Voor de rest kan hij alleen maar op bed liggen en soms, op goede dagen, een audioboek luisteren. Kelvin: "Het is één en al verlies. Ik word elke dag weer geconfronteerd met wat ik allemaal niet meer kan. Er is niks meer om naar uit te kijken. Dat voelt eindeloos."

Kelvin heeft het idee dat hij onzichtbaar is geworden voor de maatschappij. "Ik heb het gevoel dat ik levend begraven ben, dat ik ook vergeten ben daardoor. Een soort van verdwenen. Het voelt vaak alsof ik al dood ben, dat ik eigenlijk al niet meer ben. In ieder geval niet de persoon die ik was", omschrijft hij.

Ik heb het gevoel dat ik levend begraven ben, dat ik ook vergeten ben daardoor. Een soort van verdwenen.
Kelvin Latta over zijn postcovid

1 jaar geleden nam hij de loodzware beslissing om een euthanasietraject op te starten. Kelvin: "Ik heb heel veel gesprekken gevoerd met de huisarts, met familieleden en met een geestelijk verzorger. Over hoe ik er zelf in sta. Het is verantwoorden en uitleggen waarom ik mijn leven als uitzichtloos zie. Het is een heel emotioneel traject. Het is de belangrijkste keuze die je kunt maken in je leven. Het is onomkeerbaar."

Jojanneke Kant is huisarts en kent vanuit haar praktijk veel postcovidpatiënten. Ze begrijpt waarom patiënten euthanasie soms als enige uitweg zien. Kant: "Een van mijn patiënten zegt: 'Ik voel me soms gewoon een levende dode.' Het ziektebeeld is zo heftig. Alleen dat kan al genoeg reden zijn voor euthanasie, kan ik me voorstellen als arts."

"Kijk, niemand wil dood. Deze mensen willen niet dood. Alleen ze kunnen niet meer verder met leven. En dat is echt een wezenlijk verschil." Kant snapt dan ook dat patiënten zoals Kelvin hun leven als uitzichtloos ervaren. "Deze mensen zijn al zo lang zo ernstig ziek. Zij zien op een gegeven moment simpelweg geen alternatief meer."

Kant gaat verder: "Als je alleen maar op bed ligt, je niet kunt lezen, je geen film kunt kijken, je met niemand kunt praten. Dan lig je alleen maar op bed te wachten totdat de dag voorbij gaat. Dan heb je geen enkele kwaliteit van leven meer. Die kwaliteit is nul, eigenlijk nog lager dan nul."

De huisarts vindt dat het hier ook een maatschappelijke kwestie gaat. Vanaf 1 januari volgend jaar houdt expertisecentrum C-support op te bestaan, omdat het kabinet de subsidie staakt. Dit heeft grote invloed op patiënten, zegt Kant. "Ik vind dat we deze mensen afschrijven, ik kan het niet anders zeggen. Als je ziet dat expertisecentra de deuren moeten sluiten en hoe weinig langdurig onderzoek er naar de klachten van deze patiënten wordt gedaan, dan snap ik heel erg dat patiënten zich in de steek gelaten voelen. En dat is volgens mij ook zo."

Het steekt Kelvin enorm als er door mensen vraagtekens worden gezet bij de ernst van zijn ziekte."Ik word altijd intens boos als er onbegrip is voor mijn situatie. Mijn hele leven is weggevaagd. Ik was hartstikke actief, ik sportte zes keer per week. Als bewegen de oplossing was, dan had ik dat wel gemerkt."

"Ik heb ook echt alles geprobeerd. Qua medicatie, maar ook fysiotherapie, ergotherapie", somt hij op. "Je ziet misschien niks aan ons van buiten, maar dat betekent niet dat het er niet is. Gelukkig komt er steeds meer bewijs dat er wel degelijk schade aan spieren en het zenuwstelsel te vinden is. Maar dat onbegrip blijft ontzettend pijnlijk."

Begin dit jaar heeft Kelvin zijn euthanasietraject afgerond. Maar toch blijft twijfel een grote rol spelen bij hem. "Er is altijd twijfel. Want wat als ze over een jaar een behandeling vinden of een medicijn dat wel aanslaat? Dan kan mijn leven er weer totaal anders uitzien." Voor Kelvin is het dus vooral een optie voor als het lijden echt niet meer gaat.

Hij heeft weinig hoop op een toekomstige medische doorbraak. "We krijgen amper hulp vanuit de medische wereld. Er wordt geen perspectief geboden vanuit de politiek. Er is te weinig onderzoek. Het lijden is zó intensief en uiteindelijk gaat dat lijden te veel worden. En dat moment wil ik liever voor zijn, dan dat ik daar te laat mee ben."

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COVID-19 may trigger the same immune pathway as lupus | CIDRAP

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The immune system is the body’s most important defense against disease. It does its essential work by producing proteins called antibodies, which scour the body for disease-causing bacteria, viruses, and other pathogens. 

But sometimes the immune system malfunctions and produces autoantibodies (Abs), proteins that mistakenly target the body’s own tissues instead of finding and destroying illness-causing invaders. This is the case in some COVID-infected people, in whom autoantibodies are linked to severe illness, persistent symptoms, and an increased risk of new-onset autoimmune disease.

This sideways immune response has long been recognized in COVID-19, but what’s been unclear is how this errant process gets set in motion. 

Now, a new study in Immunity sheds light on the immune cells responsible for producing autoantibodies in COVID-infected people and helps explain the molecular process that drives them.

“Our goal was to understand why some people produce autoantibodies after SARS-CoV-2 infection while others do not,” says Jim Heath, PhD, senior author and president of the Institute for Systems Biology (ISB) in Seattle, in an ISB news release. “By combining multiple layers of biological data, we were able to pinpoint the immune cells responsible and identify the regulatory mechanisms that distinguish them.”

DN2 cells overrepresented in high-autoantibody group

For the study, ISB researchers and their partners analyzed data from 209 COVID-infected participants. From this cohort, the researchers selected 12 age-matched women with markedly different autoantibody levels (autoantibody prevalence is higher in women and older adults). 

The team classified the women into two groups—a low-autoantibody group (autoAb-low) and a high-autoantibody group (autoAb-high)—for in-depth analysis. Data were collected before the emergence of the Omicron variant (April 2021) and before participants had been vaccinated.  A separate group of 101 participants was used to validate key results.

According to the findings, a subset of immune cells known as atypical memory B cells were more likely to develop into autoantibody-secreting cells in participants in the autoAb-high group than in those in the autoAb-low group. 

Our findings suggest that SARS-CoV-2 infection can activate an immune program that closely resembles those involved in established autoimmune disorders, helping explain why some individuals experience autoimmune complications following infection.

Plus, the researchers found, a subtype of atypical memory B cells known as double-negative 2 (DN2) B cells were overrepresented in the high-autoantibody group. DN2 cells have been linked to autoantibody production and may play a role in other autoimmune diseases like lupus. 

“A clear difference between autoAb-high and autoAb-low individuals was the enrichment of innate sensing pathways, particularly in DN2s,” write the researchers.

“Our findings suggest that SARS-CoV-2 infection can activate an immune program that closely resembles those involved in established autoimmune disorders, helping explain why some individuals experience autoimmune complications following infection,” lead author Dan Yuan, PhD, of ISB, says in the news release. 

While the current study focused on autoantibody responses following SARS-CoV-2 infection, the findings have broader implications. “Our findings point to specific immune pathways that could become future therapeutic targets," Yuan says in the release. "By understanding how these cells become activated, we move closer to interventions that could prevent or reduce harmful autoimmune responses following infection."

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Saudi Arabia Closes Key East-West Oil Pipeline Following Multiple Attacks - Bloomberg

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Press Conference: Max D. Lederer Jr., Former Publisher, Stars and Stripes | FCCJ

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PRESS CONFERENCE
Suing the Pentagon 
Max D. Lederer Jr., Former Publisher, Stars and Stripes

11:00-12:00 Monday, September 14, 2026
Language: The speech and Q & A will be in English.

In August, the Pentagon fired Max D. Lederer Jr., publisher of the Stars and Stripes U.S. military newspaper; Erik Slavin, editor-in-chief; and Lara Korte, Middle East reporter. They were dismissed for alleged "insubordination" in a move that followed Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth's efforts to exert control over the publication and end "woke distractions."

Lederer had earlier announced his retirement after decades at the helm of the newspaper, which has always enjoyed editorial freedom in covering the U.S. military. In April, the Pentagon fired ombudsman Jacqueline Smith, whose mandate from Congress was to protect the paper's independence.

Lederer, Slavin and Korte have now launched a federal lawsuit against the Pentagon, which partly funds the Stars and Stripes, alleging that it violated their First Amendment rights to speak out against government interference in their reporting. They claim their termination was the result of comments they made about editorial independence as well as their reporting on deteriorating conditions for sailors aboard the U.S.S. Abraham Lincoln.

Please join us to hear Lederer give an account from the frontlines of the battle against the press waged by Hegseth and President Donald Trump.

How to attend
Please register by emailing front@fccj.or.jp with your name and the name of your media outlet. FCCJ members should also include their membership number. Doors will open 15 minutes before the event.

How to watch online: https://www.youtube.com/c/FCCJchannel/live  

How to ask questions: https://forms.gle/TJ1naS4TgDXQ9oh38  

TV crew: Please make a reservation at front@fccj.or.jp. Doors open for TV crews only at 30 minutes before the event. FCCJ will limit live-streaming of FCCJ-hosted press conferences to Club members only. Non-members will no longer be permitted to live-stream these events. However, non-members may still film for reporting purposes and use footage after the press conference.

Professional Activities Committee
 

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Widespread COVID death underreporting around the world raises broader questions

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COVID Credit: CC0 Public Domain

During the COVID-19 pandemic, governments around the world faced the same basic challenge: measuring a fast-moving public health crisis and communicating its severity to citizens.

But did official data reflect what was actually happening?

A new study by Ariel Karlinsky (Hebrew University) and Professor Moses Shayo (Hebrew University & King's College London) suggests that in many countries, they did not. Published in the Journal of Economic Growth, the research compares officially reported COVID deaths with estimates based largely on excess mortality—deaths above the number that would normally have been expected.

Using COVID as a global test case

Karlinsky and Shayo assembled mortality data from 134 countries and territories, drawing on national statistical offices, population registries, health ministries and other sources.

Across the countries studied, governments reported 5.08 million COVID deaths in 2020 and 2021, while the researchers estimate actual COVID mortality at 12.47 million. Their analysis indicates that roughly 45%–55% of governments misreported COVID mortality, with underreporting far more common than overreporting.

Widespread COVID death underreporting around the world raises broader questions Misreporting rate (MRR) by country. Credit: Journal of Economic Growth (2026). DOI: 10.1007/s10887-026-09266-w

Importantly, the researchers do not assume that every reporting gap represents deliberate manipulation. Countries differ in their ability to diagnose illness, register deaths and maintain reliable statistical systems. The study therefore examines whether differences in state capacity can explain the discrepancies.

Capacity explains only a small share of the variation.

Why institutions matter

A stronger relationship emerges when the researchers examine the constraints governments face.

Countries with stronger institutional checks and balances show much less underreporting. Misreporting is also lower where citizens are better positioned to evaluate official information, measured through factors including education and internet access.

The authors also find higher levels of misreporting in countries holding elections during the pandemic and in countries with a communist legacy, although they emphasize that these relationships are descriptive and do not establish causation.

The broader finding is that incentives to present information favorably may exist in many political systems. What appears to matter is whether governments face effective institutional and social checks that make inaccurate information easier to detect and challenge.

Why this matters beyond COVID

COVID offered researchers an unusual opportunity: Governments around the world confronted a broadly comparable crisis at roughly the same time.

But the implications extend beyond public health.

Governments routinely produce statistics that influence decisions about economic growth, unemployment, public health, international aid and other major policy issues. During COVID, reported figures also influenced international decisions, including travel restrictions.

The study argues that inaccurate official information can therefore have consequences far beyond the country producing it, complicating international efforts in areas such as foreign aid, climate action and vaccination campaigns.

This question has become even more relevant in today's fast-moving information environment, where misleading claims can spread rapidly through digital platforms and AI-generated content.

Looking beyond the headline number

One of the study's key contributions is its use of excess mortality as an independent benchmark.

Official COVID deaths depended on identifying COVID as a specific cause of death, which could be affected by testing and reporting practices. Excess mortality instead asks a simpler question: How many people died compared with how many would normally have been expected?

Comparing the two allowed the researchers to identify reporting gaps that could not easily be explained by differences in countries' statistical capacity alone.

The principle extends beyond COVID: Important official claims become more reliable when they can be tested against independent evidence.

Trust depends on verification

The findings do not suggest that official statistics should automatically be distrusted. Rather, they demonstrate why systems capable of independently verifying, challenging and correcting information matter.

Karlinsky and Shayo find that governments facing stronger institutional and social constraints generally report more accurately, while those facing fewer constraints show larger discrepancies.

COVID therefore provides more than a case study in pandemic mortality. It offers a window into a much broader question: What makes official information trustworthy?

The research suggests that part of the answer lies not only in governments' ability to produce good data, but also in the strength of the institutions and societies capable of holding those governments to account.

More information

Ariel Karlinsky et al, Manipulation of information in times of crisis: evidence from Covid excess mortality, Journal of Economic Growth (2026). DOI: 10.1007/s10887-026-09266-w

Who's behind this story?

Gaby Clark

MA in English, copy editor since 2021 with experience in higher education and health content. Dedicated to trustworthy science news. Full profile →

Andrew Zinin

Master's in physics with research experience. Long-time science news enthusiast. Plays key role in Science X's editorial success. Full profile →

Citation: Widespread COVID death underreporting around the world raises broader questions (2026, September 9) retrieved 10 September 2026 from <a href="https://medicalxpress.com/news/2026-09-widespread-covid-death-underreporting-world.html" rel="nofollow">https://medicalxpress.com/news/2026-09-widespread-covid-death-underreporting-world.html</a>

This document is subject to copyright. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study or research, no part may be reproduced without the written permission. The content is provided for information purposes only.

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Disabled Georgia man waited 10 years in nursing home for Medicaid home care

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He lost 10 years in a Georgia nursing home. It's becoming more common


ATLANTA – Nick Papadopoulos clenched the bed at his nursing home, terrified he would roll off without guardrails.

A wispy woman floated in from another room, confused, and crawled into bed with him. Papadopoulos, 38, yelled and hit the call button for help.

“Nobody came,” he said.

It was the start of a yearslong nightmare lived by millions of disabled and elderly Americans who rely on Medicaid: Instead of receiving in-home care to live independently, they are often forced to live in institutions.

It could become more common.

On Aug. 31, the Trump administration moved to make it easier for states to place disabled and elderly people in institutions. To appease a lawsuit from several Republican-led states, government lawyers told a federal judge they were willing to erase a 50-year-old provision requiring federal funds be used to care for people in their homes, whenever possible.

In effect, it undermines a landmark Supreme Court case from Papadopoulos’ home state that said denying people the ability to live in their communities is discrimination.

Advocates say the government’s concession erodes hard-fought civil rights under the Americans with Disabilities Act. And it threatens the return of a system where disabled people are locked in institutions instead of being allowed to live in their homes.

“It’s simply wrong and inconsistent with 50 years of law,” read a joint statement from seven national organizations, including the American Civil Liberties Union and Disability Rights Education & Defense Fund. “The disability community opposes any effort to turn back the clock on disability rights and community integration.”

Papadopoulos relies on this faltering system that is now endangered.

He lived independently with cerebral palsy using home-based supports until 2016 when he entered the hospital with a common wound. Papadopoulos thought he would go home after a short nursing home stay.

Instead, he was put at the end of Georgia’s list of 6,000 people waiting for disability services. He lost his job, his house and, eventually, his independence.

After 10 years, he remained locked away in Room 130 at Brown Health & Rehabilitation, more than 30 miles from his Athens home.

Supreme Court: A right to live at home

Lois Curtis proved that Americans with disabilities have the right to live at home – and federal law protected them from an empty promise.

Curtis, like many others with intellectual and developmental disabilities, had spent most of her life locked away. The 25-year-old sought care one day at Georgia Regional Hospital in 1992, but was still there years later, against her will.

From a payphone, she kept calling Atlanta Legal Aid to ask: “When am I getting out of here?”

It had been two years since the Americans with Disabilities Act established civil rights protections against discrimination. The “integration mandate” says people with disabilities have a right to learn, live and work in the community alongside their neighbors.

At the time, more than 2.5 million people lived in institutions, such as psychiatric hospitals, nursing homes and other large residential facilities, according to federal statistics. Many entered voluntarily but didn’t have anywhere else to go after treatment. So they were kept there.

“They had choice in theory. Except they didn’t have it in practice,” said Susan Walker Goico, a senior attorney at Atlanta Legal Aid Society's Health and Disability Rights Unit.

Doctors said Curtis could live safely on her own with a 24-hour personal aid. She tended to wander from home and needed help managing medications and money. For years, the state had not provided Medicaid services for her to live at home.

Sue Jamieson, the attorney who met Curtis when she was first sent away at age 11, filed a lawsuit on her behalf against the state of Georgia in 1995. Elaine Wilson, who the hospital had tried to discharge to a homeless shelter, soon joined as a second plaintiff in the case, Olmstead v. L.C. and E.W.

Georgia denied discriminating against the women. The state claimed it simply did not have enough money to provide community-based care. Federal Medicaid rules did not – and still don’t – require them to offer it for adults.

The Supreme Court ruled in 1999 that the state could not institutionalize people simply because it did not want to pay for care at home or in the community. Federal research would later show that home-based services are, on average, a third the cost of institutional settings.

“Persons without mental disabilities can receive the medical services they need without similar sacrifice” of their personal liberties, Justice Ruth Bader Ginsberg wrote for the majority. She added that confining people with disabilities “perpetuates unwarranted assumptions” that they are "incapable or unworthy of participating in community life."

Curtis left the hospital at last.

She lived with roommates in group homes and, finally, in her own apartment with support from a round-the-clock aid. When major decisions arose, like choosing a doctor, an expert board from a supported living program guided her.

“Lois had so much love for other people,” said Linda Pogue, who met her friend through a community art class. “She was just sharing it all out, in her way. The fun, the laughter, the art. The sharing of a cigarette.”

Curtis often sat at a picnic table on the wooded shore of Pine Lake, watching ducks and drinking Coke while painting. Her art featured continuous line drawing, a technique popularized by Pablo Picasso.

Curtis spoke at disability rights conferences and statehouses. She appeared in art shows and sold her work.

In 2011, President Barack Obama invited her to the Oval Office. She gave him a hug, a smile and a painting.

Curtis lived as she chose until her death from cancer in 2022. Thousands watched a livestream of her funeral.

A common injury lands him in financial trouble

Because of Curtis and disability rights activists like her, the nation’s laws promised Papadopoulos similar access to a public education and the American Dream.

Born with cerebral palsy, he had the same energy, interests and, for a while, opportunities as other Astoria boys who explored New York City without crutches or canes. His overprotective Greek mother often kept him at home after school, so Papadopoulos delved into pop culture. He’d feed tapes into the VHS player, plop on the floor, and watch “Predator” or “Dragonslayer” on repeat.

After graduating, Papadopoulos took classes at Hunter College, bonding with classmates over sword and sorcery movies. He asked a girl out, and she said yes. He drank and partied – a little too much – like a regular college kid. He left college to manage real estate with his dad.

With settlement money from the medical malpractice case stemming from his delivery as a baby, the family had bought investment properties they rented out. He earned enough to cover his medical expenses without insurance.

“I became a slum lord,” Papadopoulos quipped.

But then he went to the hospital with a severe skin infection, a common but serious condition for people who stay in one position for long periods. Untreated, it can lead to blood poisoning or muscle and bone damage.

The cost for treatment threatened to ruin him. A Harvard analysis found that hospitals routinely bill more than $40,000 to treat his condition.

Papadopoulos had two choices.

He could sell everything he owned to pay for his care. When he was broke enough, he could apply for Medicaid. Or, he could transfer his properties to his mother and be poor enough to qualify for government health coverage immediately. That’s what he did.

“It sucks. And it’s systematic,” Papadopoulos said. “No matter how much you try to improve your situation, they bottleneck you and make sure that you remain poor.”

To maintain the services that let him stay independent, including Medicaid and monthly Social Security Insurance payments, his assets can't exceed $2,000. He can’t earn more than $1,690 a month before taxes.

It was a preview of the government bureaucracy that would shape his life.

Lost his job, his home, his independence

Papadopoulos moved to Athens, Georgia, in 2009 for warmer weather and new adventures.

At a drab Christmas party for the local Center for Independent Living, Papadopoulos caught the attention of the nonprofit’s leader when he chatted up everyone in the room, trying to “liven it up.” He offered Papadopoulos a job.

For two years, he worked as a peer support specialist, learning about the services that let disabled people live and work in their communities. He realized, “Oh, I qualify for this, too.”

After Curtis’ landmark victory at the Supreme Court, states like Georgia started using more federal Medicaid funds to provide services to adults in their homes. But Congress never changed the rules to require it. And states can arbitrarily cap how many people, like Papadopoulos, they support living in the community.

Around the same time – and a short drive from where Curtis enjoyed her freedom – Papadopoulos lived independently thanks to those Medicaid services. It paid a personal aid to help him four hours a day with basic tasks, mostly bathing and getting dressed.

He started using a power chair as he lost mobility, and he gained weight. Then, in 2016, he developed a pressure wound, a condition serious enough that it could cut to muscle or bone.

This time, there would be no returning home. On paper, he had the right to live where he wanted, but he fell into a services gap just as Curtis had decades earlier.

A long hospital stay led Papadopoulos to lose his job and his home. He lost his Medicaid support services and monthly Social Security payments. To get his home care back, he'd have to go on Georgia’s waitlist – along with thousands of others.

“I was just angry,” he recalled.

Today, a national survey shows more than 606,000 people wait for Medicaid home services. In at least seven states, people can wait more than a decade.

And the wait could get longer.

State leaders targeted these voluntary programs after Congress’ historic Medicaid cuts as part of the One Big Beautiful Bill. Several states have already cut budgets for home care and how much they pay providers.

This year in Georgia, legislators approved adding 900 slots for home services to chip away at the 8,000 people on its waitlist, like Papadopoulos. But Gov. Brian Kemp vetoed that expansion.

Papadopoulos called the decision “terrible.”

“People's dreams won't happen,” he said.

'I'm going to die'

Papadopoulos understands. His own life was effectively paused at age 38.

When he lost his home services, Papadopoulos could choose to live on the streets or in a nursing home – it wasn’t a real choice.

He struggled going from a “grown-ass man” who chose his own bedtime to being the patient in Room 130.

Papadopoulos could not leave, not even for a day trip. Just to get out of bed, facility rules said he needed a medical lift and two aids. He had to wait until they were done with more than 20 other patients. Papadopoulos spent so much time in bed, he lost muscle mass and developed osteoporosis.

Sometimes, he sat in a soiled diaper for hours before help arrived.

“They did their best,” he said, acknowledging nurses and aids had to care for too many people.

While in the nursing home, Papadopoulos missed his mother’s funeral. He missed his dad’s funeral. He missed a cousin’s wedding and the birth of his nephew. Concerts and dinners and movies with friends were a thing of the past.

He was exposed to diseases he never would have been at home. In just his first year, a bacterial infection gave him nonstop diarrhea, belly cramps and a fever. And scabies mites burrowed into his skin, making painful and itchy tender spots he could not reach.

“It's scary because I'd never experienced going through this,” he said. He remembers thinking, “I'm going to die. This is the end.”

Regardless of what Curtis’ Supreme Court case said about his rights, he could not get out.

While he tried to “hold on to my humanity,” several states fought to rescind the rules requiring them to use federal dollars to keep people with disabilities in their own homes whenever possible. Several Republican-led states, including Georgia, filed that lawsuit in 2024.

In June, the Department of Justice announced it would no longer enforce those federal guidelines. On Aug. 13, justice officials asked a federal judge to vacate a related decision that protected Florida kids from being put into institutions for care.

And on Aug. 31, federal lawyers sided with the suing states, offering to erase the integration mandate from federal health regulations as part of a settlement. They said it’s not discrimination to treat someone in an institution if there are “legitimate” reasons for states to prefer it over caring for them in their homes.

Florida joined the lawsuit “to serve as a check on federal power, not to deny care," said James Williams, spokesman for Florida Attorney General James Uthmeier. "Reclaiming state authority gives Florida the flexibility needed to address critical public safety and homelessness issues while ensuring proper care for individuals."

Papadopoulos was outraged that the federal agency charged with protecting his rights has instead undermined them.

“The Department of Justice has become the very same bad actor they were charged to defend against,” he said.

'I'm going to fight'

In July 2026 – 10 years after he went in to recover from a common injury – Papadopoulos moved out of Room 130. He’d finally found a home services provider to take on his medically complex case.

“Even in horror movies, what doesn’t kill you makes you stronger,” he said of his time in a nursing home. “It didn’t kill me. Would I wish it on my worst enemy? No. But that experience forged me and prepared me for what comes ahead.”

On his first day of freedom, Papadopoulos went to the movies and saw “Backrooms.” He visited the state botanical gardens in Athens, where a patch of edible plants inspired him.

“That’s what I want at my house,” he thought. “My own herb garden with peppers and basil and all that.”

He looked forward to cooking again with his support staff, eating the Greek food of his childhood instead of the fried cafeteria meal of the day.

Papadopoulos now eats what he wants, when he wants.

He can make “bad choices” like drinking a diet soda with dinner or staying up late watching Netflix. He can roll through his wooded neighborhood at any hour. He can call 911 without permission from a charge nurse.

“When you're in a nursing home, your identity is stripped from you. You're no longer a person like you were. You're a patient,” he said.

Support workers and nurses often become “like family,” Papadopolous said.

They prepare meals together. Talk about movies. Go fishing. Play Uno. Commiserate about the long waits at doctors’ offices. Bicker about whether to go out or stay home.

Still, life with home services comes with challenges. Staff quit without notice – presumably for better pay or shorter shifts at nursing homes and hospitals. He rarely hears from them once they leave.

“You think you’re building these relationships,” Papadopoulos said. “But they disappear.”

After 10 years of isolation and dictated routine, he must rediscover himself and build a new place in the community. He plans a trip to the theater to watch the new Spider-Man movie. He considers a suggestion to attend Atlanta Dragon Con.

In between, he joins the advisory committees of disability organizations and testifies at government hearings, most virtually. Papadopoulos is prepared to defend his civil rights and the Medicaid services that fulfill those promises.

“I'm going to fight ’til the very end to help other people, free other people from nursing homes,” he said.

That July night, Papadopoulos bantered with two support people as they used a lift to swing him from a power chair to his bed. They washed his body with hand towels and said goodnight.

Secure between guardrails, Papadopoulos fell asleep, at last, in his own home.

Jayme Fraser is an investigative data reporter at USA TODAY. She can be reached by text or on Signal at (541) 362-1393 or by emailing <a href="mailto:jfraser@usatodayco.com">jfraser@usatodayco.com</a>.

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