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We Go Where They Go

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  • Foreword
  • Acknowledgements
  • Introduction
  • Skinhead Scenes and the Fight for Territory
  • Anti-Klan Organizing
  • The Canadian Connection
  • Fight the Power: Anti-Racist Solidarity
  • Our Bodies, Our Choice
  • Be Young, Have Fun, Smash Racism
  • Turning Point ARA
  • End of an Era: Fighting the Right at the Dawn of the Millennium
  • Legacy
  • Glossary of Terms
  • A Note on Our Sources
  • Index
  • About the Authors

  • Short-listed, The Hill Times Best Books of the Year 2023

What does it mean to risk all for your beliefs? How do you fight an enemy in your midst? 
We Go Where They Go recounts the thrilling story of a massive forgotten youth movement that set the stage for today's anti-fascist organizing in North America. When skinheads and punks in the late 1980s found their communities invaded by white supremacists and neo-nazis, they fought back. Influenced by anarchism, feminism, Black liberation, and Indigenous sovereignty, they created Anti-Racist Action. At ARA’s height in the 1990s, thousands of dedicated activists in hundreds of chapters joined the fights—political and sometimes physical—against nazis, the Ku Klux Klan, anti-abortion fundamentalists, and racist police. Before media pundits, cynical politicians, and your uncle discovered “antifa,” Anti-Racist Action was bringing it to the streets.

Based on extensive interviews with dozens of ARA participants, We Go Where They Go tells ARA’s story from within, giving voice to those who risked their safety in their own defense and in solidarity with others. In reproducing the posters, zines, propaganda and photos of the movement itself, this essential work of radical history illustrates how cultural scenes can become powerful forces for change. Here at last is the story of an organic yet highly organized movement, exploring both its triumphs and failures, and offering valuable lessons for today’s generation of activists and rabble-rousers. We Go Where They Go is a page-turning history of grassroots anti-racism. More than just inspiration, it's a roadmap.

“I was a big supporter and it was an honor to work with the Anti-Racist Action movement. Their unapologetic and uncompromising opposition to racism and fascism in the streets, in the government, and in the mosh pit continues to be inspiring to this day.”
—Tom Morello, Rage Against the Machine

“Antifa became a household word with Trump attempting and failing to designate it a domestic terrorist group, but Antifa’s roots date back to the late 1980’s when little attention was being paid to violent fascist groups that were flourishing under Reaganism, and Anti-Racist Action (ARA) was singular and effective in its brilliant offensive. This book tells the story of ARA in breathtaking prose accompanied by stunning photographs and images.”
—Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz, author of Loaded: A Disarming History of the Second Amendment

We Go Where They Go offers a new generation of antiracist, anti-fascist activists an essential dose of revolutionary history, and provides a bloodstained blueprint for the next chapter in the long, noble, and utterly necessary fight against fascism. The struggle is never over, and it’s on all of us to wake up, read up, and stay ready.”
—Kim Kelly, author of Fight Like Hell: The Untold History of American Labor

“‘History,’ as The Story of Anti-Racist Action observes, ‘is a weapon.’ Yet in this timely, much-needed book, set against the backdrop of today’s resurgent fascism, it is far more than that. History is a teachable, or learnable, moment. History is remembrance, or never forgetting, and honoring our dead. Most important, history is possibility. Because as the authors and many ARA participants so ably demonstrate on these pages, and with such clear-eyed insights, those who collectively self-organize and take direct action can make history—a people’s history of courage and solidarity. And thus, this engaging history is a compass, guiding us away from unnecessary perils and pitfalls, and toward potentialities for not only community self-defense but also community care.”
—Cindy Milstein, editor of There Is Nothing So Whole as a Broken Heart: Mending the World as Jewish Anarchists

We Go Where They Go takes readers to the front lines of the little-known struggle against white supremacy and fascism that raged across North America at the turn of the twenty-first century. Based on insider accounts, this concise, riveting, and truly groundbreaking history of Anti-Racist Action is essential reading for the movements of today and tomorrow.”
—Mark Bray, author of Antifa: The Anti-Fascist Handbook

We Go Where They Go is the story of those who bravely went steel toe to steel toe against the Nazis in the 1990s. It is a meditation on organizing when your life and community depend on it and the finest two-fisted street scholarship. Today’s foes of fascism will find a treasure trove of perspectives, history, insights, and strategies here. It would be a mistake to call the nineties the ‘lost decade’ for radical action in the United States, and this book corrects the record.”
—James Tracy, co-author Hillbilly Nationalists, Urban Race Rebels, and Black Power: Interracial Solidarity in 1960–70s New Left Organizing

“There is a history of antifascist organizing and defense that has been a quiet one, but it is one we should all be proud of. This book will take the reader on a journey through that history, which I myself have been a part of, and they will be amazed - as we often are - by what they never knew and wish they did. I am very happy that finally the story of Anti-Racist Action is being told.”
—Daryle Lamont Jenkins, founder and executive director of One People’s Project

We Go Where They Go is a rich, granular history of Anti-Racist Action, from its origins in the Midwest skinhead and punk scenes in the 80s, to its growth into a grassroots international network with nearly 180 chapters by the end of the 90s. ARA not only effectively challenged nazis and the Klan on the streets, its activists struggled to connect their street level actions with efforts to challenge more pervasive institutional racism. It took on sexism, abortion rights and homophobia as key issues, and allied with other groups fighting for social justice. Today, as democratic norms continue to erode in the declining imperialist centers, the threat of fascism resurfaces. We Go Where They Go reflects on fundamental questions of organization and strategy that antiracist activists must consider in the 21st century.”
—Tim McCaskell, author Race to Equity: Disrupting Educational Inequality and Queer Progress: From Homophobia to Homonationalism

“This book is a must read for anyone wanting to know the unknown histories of activists who set out to destroy fascism in their communities. These activists did not seek fame or recognition, but put themselves continually at risk. While the stories of comradery and conflict show the fissures of any movement, what I find important and necessary is to uplift these heroic voices in our activist history and in our radical imaginations.”
—Sharmeen Khan, organizer with No One Is Illegal Toronto and editor of Upping the Anti: A Journal of Theory and Action

“Before Antifa became a household name in the US, there was Anti-Racist Action. These were the folks we followed as antifascist activists in Europe in the 1990s. I’m glad to see that their experiences have now been chronicled. Plenty to learn for all of us.”
—Gabriel Kuhn, author of Sober Living for the RevolutionSoccer vs. the State, and Antifascism, Sports, Sobriety

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sarcozona
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Unintended Consequences: Germany Sick Leave Edition

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So, Merz has announced that German workers will need a note from a doctor day one of calling in sick, and they must get that note in person: phone calls are no longer acceptable.

All the usual garbage: uncompetitive, high costs for employers, blah, blah, blah. (This comes after raising the retirement age.)

Here’s the actual sick leave situation:

Hey, it suddenly increased after 2020? Is anyone surprised? Bueller?

Anyway, doctors and clinics are a fixed resource. Forcing people to go in and see a doctor (normal wait times in Germany are two to three days) mean taking more time with the patient. That means pushing other patients back. So wait time will increase.

Second more sick people will go into work. Some of them will be infectious. More people would wind up sick than if you just let people stay home.

Sub voce this is “we don’t trust people, we think some of them are lying” plus “people really should work when only slightly ill. Suck it up sunshine.”

But the increase in sick time is clearly Covid related, presumably long Covid, so it isn’t likely there’s a sudden epidemic of malingering. And while you can’t pass on long Covid directly, it still means that other people who do have diseases they can donate to their co-workers will come in.

Governments rarely seem to think thru these second order effects and ask if they’re worth it. The City of Toronto has been forced by the Province of Ontario to shut down supervised injection sites.

Now if you’re a normal human person you’re probably thinking “oh no, people will die!”

And that’s true. But Premier Ford doesn’t give a damn about that. There is another effect, however, that he should give a damn about, because voters care, and the Conservaties do have seats in Toronto.

Average wait times in emergency wards are a bit over an hour thru the province. But they’re much higher in Toronto. As of this writing the closest emergency department to me has a wait time of a bit over five hours.

According to ER doctors overdoses can drive those times up significantly. Overdoses require priority treatment, after all. So if more drug users are overdosing (or their drug wasn’t what they thought it was, because the supply is so adulterated), then wait times will go up more.

And voters care about this. A lot. (Last time I went to an emergency department I waited over eight hours. I needed stitches, it was overnight, but I was in no danger, so I got to wait a very long ) People have in some cases died because of wait times, since it isn’t always obvious how bad something is, and while the number may not be large, the bad publicity often is.

This is something Ford and the Conservatives should care about, but it’s rarely mentioned. Bleeding hearts (which I mostly am) tend to lead with “drug users will die”, not getting that to Ford that’s probably a good thing. But “regular citizens will wait longer in the ER and some of them will die” is not something he wants. He may not personally care (I doubt he cares about anybody but himself), but he does care politically.

As for Merz, he’s the worst German leader of my lifetime, trying to run military Keynesianism and letting Germany’s industry be destroyed while he fiddles with marginalia. A few extra sick days aren’t why Germany’s losing its industry and it won’t make the least bit of difference. What is required is innovation and driving down energy prices, but that would require making peace with Russia and Merz is a warmonger.

Ruled by fools.

 

What I write here is for the benefit of everyone, but alas, I live in capitalism and I, and the site, take money to keep running. If you value the writing here and can, please subscribe or donate.

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sarcozona
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SitRep N°058/MVB_11/07/2026 – Institut National de Sante Publique

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Activité COUSP, Actualités, SitRep

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sarcozona
2 days ago
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Canada hands U.S. toll share on fully funded Gordie Howe bridge after Trump pressure

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After years of construction and months of last-minute haggling, the Gordie Howe International Bridge is finally set to open on July 27. But the deal that cleared the way has left some Canadians wondering whether Ottawa gave away too much on a project it paid for entirely.

The $6-billion cable-stayed span, named after the Detroit Red Wings legend, will connect Windsor and Detroit with six lanes of traffic, modern ports of entry, and what officials promise will be one of the most advanced border crossings on the continent. Canada financed the whole thing—bridge, plazas, interchanges, the works—after Michigan and the U.S. federal government declined to chip in upfront more than a decade ago.

Yet under the revised agreement announced Friday, the United States will receive 50% of the bridge's operating profits for the first 15 years through a U.S.-controlled economic development fund. The Windsor-Detroit Bridge Authority must also seek American concurrence on significant toll adjustments, with reports indicating Washington can effectively veto hikes of more than 10%.

President Donald Trump wasted no time claiming victory. In a Truth Social post Saturday, he wrote:

“I was able to cut a MUCH BETTER DEAL for America, and by so doing, will be allowing the new and spectacular Gordie Howe International Bridge... to open on July 27th, as scheduled. The original deal made was unacceptable to me! The new deal is great, and fair. Thank you and congratulations to the Canadian Government.”

Housing, Infrastructure and Communities Minister Gregor Robertson described the opening as a “nation-building project” that will strengthen supply chains and create opportunities on both sides of the border. A government press-release highlighted “cooperative measures” on toll governance and a 15-year fund tied to bridge profits.

But the concessions stand in contrast to the original 2012 Canada-Michigan agreement. Under that pact, tolls collected on the Canadian side were supposed to repay Ottawa's investment over decades before any split with Michigan. Now, with traffic diverted from the aging Ambassador Bridge and the Detroit-Windsor Tunnel, Canadian taxpayers shoulder the risk while American interests secure an immediate revenue stream.

The delay that forced this renegotiation didn't come out of nowhere. President Trump had threatened in February to block the opening unless the U.S. received what he called "fair compensation." Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick reportedly pushed hard for a larger U.S. cut. The Ambassador Bridge's owners, the Moroun family—whose private crossing has long dominated commercial traffic in the corridor—have opposed the new public bridge for years. Matthew Moroun, whose family donated $1 million to a Trump-aligned PAC earlier this year, met with Lutnick shortly before the president's initial broadside.

“Canada paid for 100 per cent of the bridge,” former Alberta premier Jason Kenney tweeted during earlier negotiations. “If the USA wants part of the revenue, it should make an offer to buy all or part of the bridge.”

For Windsor and Detroit commuters and truckers, the bridge can't open soon enough. The Windsor-Detroit corridor handles hundreds of millions of dollars in daily trade, much of it autos and parts. Delays at the Ambassador Bridge have long frustrated manufacturers on both sides. The new crossing, with its 853-metre main span—the longest cable-stayed in North America—promises relief and redundancy in a vital supply chain.

Yet the financing reality stings. Canadian taxpayers fronted billions during a period when neither Michigan's legislature nor Washington wanted to spend. Now, after construction finished and inspections cleared, Ottawa needed Washington's permission to proceed and paid a price for it.

The 15-year profit-sharing window matters. Bridge profits in the early years may prove modest as debt service and operations eat into revenue. Any diversion slows Ottawa’s recoupment. Meanwhile, the U.S. veto power on toll increases hands leverage to a neighbour that contributed nothing to construction but now has a direct say over pricing on Canadian-built infrastructure.

Supporters of the deal argue pragmatism won out; better a compromised opening than indefinite delay amid broader trade tensions. The bridge will still deliver long-term economic benefits, they say, and the fund could support regional projects on the Michigan side. Governor Gretchen Whitmer welcomed the news, calling the span a “great deal” for her state that will create jobs and ease congestion.

But for those who watched the project overcome political resistance and pandemic delays only to face fresh demands at the finish line, the outcome feels lopsided. Canada built it. Canada owns its share outright alongside Michigan. Yet when push came to shove, it was Ottawa making the adjustments.

The Gordie Howe Bridge will open to traffic at the end of the month. Whether it also stands as a cautionary tale about negotiating leverage in an era of transactional politics remains to be seen. For now, trucks will soon roll across a span Canadian money built, under terms Washington helped rewrite.

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sarcozona
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The New York Times enabled the Gaza genocide and lost its legitimacy in the process

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Editor’s Note: Professor Elliott Colla sent the following email to the New York Times canceling his subscription on July 6, 2026 and shared it with Mondoweiss to publish. To learn more about Adam H. Johnson’s book How to Sell a Genocide see our interview with Johnson here.

From: Elliott Colla
Subject: Goodbye
To: <a href="mailto:letters@nytimes.com">letters@nytimes.com</a>

Dear Editor,

I am a life-long reader of your newspaper. I don’t mean that as hyperbole. Quite literally, I learned to read while sitting next to my father as he read the morning paper every day. He would point out words, sound them out, and I would copy him. Eventually the sentences began to make sense. And even though it’s been a while since I buried my father at Mt. Sinai cemetery, I continue to read the daily news religiously.

I don’t remember a day when I didn’t turn to you for information about the world. When I was growing up, I read in paper form. At some point, I switched to online and it was just as good, often better. Reading the NYT has been such a daily ritual for so much of my life that it feels like it’s a part of who I am. For that reason, it’s not easy for me to write this letter to you. And while I doubt if you will take note of what I have to say, it’s important to me to say it. So here goes: I’m cancelling my subscription and encouraging everyone I know to do the same.

This decision is some years in the making—but let me cut to the chase as to why, on this particular Monday, I’m cutting my ties to you.

This past weekend, I read an most extraordinary book, Adam H. Johnson’s How to Sell a Genocide. You will definitely want to read it, since much of it is about the New York Times. Johnson makes an astonishing case for prosecuting many of your reporters, editors, and managers for the crimes of inciting and maintaining Israel’s genocide in Gaza. As you know, the legal prosecution of genocide is not limited to investigations of the military or police. As we saw with the Holocaust and Rwanda, genocide prosecutors have also typically investigated the role that media groups play in generating violence. Johnson details the role you have played—and continue to play—in producing American consent for the ongoing US-Israeli assault on the Palestinian people. I hope that Johnson’s study will become part of a legal case at the Hague, where perhaps you and your colleagues will receive a fair trial.

You should be aware that Johnson’s study makes two very clear accusations against your organization. On the one hand, you have produced many inciting claims which led directly to violence. In particular, Johnson highlights some of your most thoroughly discredited pieces, such as “Screams Without Words” and your reporting on Israel’s multiple atrocities at the Al-Shifa Hospital. Arguably, your libelous reports on UNRWA had an even more serious impact, since they led directly to months of famine and mass starvation among Gazans. Each of these reports provided flak for war crimes that resulted in hundreds and thousands of deaths. Worse, these and many other stories were sourced to Israeli agencies that have well-established records of lying and disinformation. Despite their well-documented mendacious history, you gave these stories a platform and soaked your readership with propaganda that has proven false time and time again. Multiple media critics have elucidated the many falsities in these reports for many months now—and somehow, you have yet to retract them. What gives? Are you being held hostage?

Johnson’s second big point has to do with your very consistent pattern of depicting Palestinian humanity as less than Jewish humanity. By this, he is refering to a deep-seated pattern of bias and double standards, such as:

·       Your centering of Jewish suffering over Palestinian suffering.

·       Your passive-voicing of Israeli atrocities.

·       Your silence on Israel’s use of mass detention and torture.

·       Your silence on the openly genocidal rhetoric across the entire political spectrum of Israel society.

·       Your silence on the routine rape of Palestinian detainees in Israeli prisons.

·       Your use of contorted, imbalanced wordings, such as: “Israeli hostages” versus “Palestinian prisoners”; “Israeli children” versus “Palestinian minors”.

·       Your insistence that Israelis have a right to defend themselves, but Palestinians do not.

Such dehumanization is consistent with racist, supremacist thinking on your part. To say this is not to speculate about your interior thoughts and motives, but rather to reflect on the clear meaning of your published words and the deliberateness and consistency of your editorial policies. As you will see, Johnson’s most damning claims are backed by substantial evidence and direct quotation.

Johnson’s study makes it clear how hack your organization has become. And he’s not even talking about your opinion pages, which routinely platform Israeli propaganda, incitement to violence, and encouragement for more endless, pointless wars. You took one of this country’s most august institutions and drove it into a ditch. And why? To provide cover for a genocidal apartheid state?! If you think that this makes Jews safer, or if you think this is good for America, you’re dangerously insane.

Finally, in case you’re wondering who I am, I am a Middle East expert with over forty years of experience living in and writing about the region. Since the 1980s, I have lived in Egypt, Israel-Palestine, Jordan, Tunisia, and Iraq, and have taught countless students at some of our country’s top universities. I speak and translate Arabic and have family in the region. I have been a source for, and friend to, some of your most accomplished reporters in the region. I’ve even been quoted in your pages a few times, most recently a few months ago! That knowledge and experience certainly informs my evaluation of Johnson’s case against you, since it was not news to me that the NYT has a problem with representing Palestinians, Arabs, and Muslims fairly. But in the last three years, your organization took the hate and incitement to a new level. 

It’s too much for me, and I cannot in good conscience continue to support you with a subscription, even though that means I’m going to miss out on some of my favorite writers, like Jamelle Bouie and Michelle Goldberg. 

In enabling genocide, you’ve wrecked the most precious thing you once possessed: legitimacy. I hope you get it back one day. 

Respectfully,

Elliott Colla
Associate Professor
Georgetown University


Elliott Colla
Elliott Colla teaches modern Arabic literature at Georgetown University.


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sarcozona
4 days ago
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on the one hand, yes. on the other hand, I guess Iraq was more than 20 years ago and we learned nothing.
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On Access Trauma

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I experienced a trauma that my fellow disabled people encounter on a daily basis.

It was early in the morning, and I was checking my email. I got an email from someone that wanted me to consider writing about their disabled business or whatever it was. They weren’t important, so I was just about to dismiss it, but something got the better of me and I opened the email and skimmed the first line out of curiosity.

The first thing I heard was,

"75655356878796656432190.JPG."

I immediately reeled back like I’ve just been slapped across the face. I skimmed the email some more. They wanted me to look at their website. Links were displayed all throughout the email, insisting I check out this page or that page or this other page.

I had no drive to click on any of them, at all, thanks to the unlabeled image at the top of the email. If they couldn’t be bothered to make sure an image was labeled, I didn’t want to experience their attempt at an accessible website.

I deleted the email. The next email was an email from a friend. It contained an attachment to their book they wanted me to read and enjoy, but I didn’t know what format the book was going to be in because they didn’t ask me, so I sat there, pondering the gravity of converting a, most likely, untagged PDF into something I could easier navigate through with my Braille display and screen reader. How much work was it going to be to convert this PDF? I navigated to the attachments section in question and opened it. Sure enough, it was a PDF. Reacting before opening it, because I didn’t want to be disappointed, I just immediately wrote back to the friend and said,

"Can you send this to me in Microsoft Word format or plain text?"

I sat there after sending the reply wondering if I should even try to convert this or not. I went to the next email.

It was an email from my publisher, sending me my royalty statement for one of my books. This was a PDF, but, at once, flashes plagued my mind of trying to convert the previous inaccessible PDF into something that could be easily navigated. I was terrified. I didn’t want to go through that again!

I didn’t even want to deal with this now, even the sending of the inevitable reply and telling the publisher, again, that I was blind and used a Braille display and screen reader so could they send it in a different format? I knew I was retreating, and retreating fast, and the day hadn’t even started yet. As I was navigating through my other emails, I just kept having visions of a few days ago wherein I was trying to convert an untagged royalty statement holding tables and untagged charts and no headings into something readable. That one task took me the whole day and I didn’t want to go through that again. I didn’t want to spend my whole morning trying a method that previously worked in order for the conversion attempt to fail, leaving me to send it to a friend and schedule a Zoom meeting just so my royalty statement could be read. I didn’t have anybody that lived with me that could read this, and I didn’t want to schedule a video call just yet with someone, so I just tried to focus on other emails.

As I skimmed the subject lines of emails, one singular thought kept percolating, like a restaurant that always serves burnt toast or a city that never fixes its hostile pavement designs. I don’t want to open these because I don’t want to deal with the inaccessibility of the content today.

The email subjects soon became a repeating question. What access hell would I need to endure in order to read this email? Is it worth opening just to be confronted with an inaccessible email? Probably not, so why should I even bother with this one when I already experienced three inaccessible emails today?

Thankfully, my phone rings, shaking me out of my recrimination. it’s an offline friend, and he wants to know if I’d like to go to an open mic tonight. I would, but how loud would the venue be? Would there be a lot of chairs? Was the venue going to be so small that I’d end up knocking things over like last time? I didn’t want to experience that again. So, retreating into safety, into a world where I knew things were going to be accessible because I was going to make it so, even if I was going to be at home, alone, I said, not tonight.

I was retreating into access, and he knew it because he suggested we could watch an audio described movie at his place instead of going to another unfamiliar place. I knew the layout of his house, I wouldn’t need to plan ahead, or to try to save up energy for tonight. I knew I’d be in a supportive environment with the movie and dinner at his place. I knew what access I was going to encounter and the limitations of the environment. I knew the access I was going to get, and this made things far easier for me to agree to. As I said yes, though, I was trying to pinpoint my visceral refusal of the open mic earlier. What feeling was that? Why did I have such a visceral reaction when I unequivocally love open mics and open mic style events?

As I smiled to a grateful exclamation of my company tonight, filled with an audio described movie and a place where food would be cut up for me so I wouldn’t have to worry about taking to long or holding others up, I examined this feeling I was having all morning. I couldn’t quite pinpoint it, but I could describe it.

A visceral reaction to a hostile environment. Knowingly or unknowingly.

Flashbacks of a previously inaccessible experience, putting me back into that feeling of ache and emotional pain.

Assessing an environment long before even dipping my toe into the environment based off earlier harm with the intent of avoiding a hostile environment.

I wrestled with this feeling all morning before finally going to a search engine and typing in something I’d thought I’d never type. What are the symptoms of PTSD?

PTSD came to mind because previous encounters were shaping my current feelings. While I didn’t experience all of the symptoms or causes, still, some jumped out at me starkly.

Re-experiencing

Avoidance and emotional numbing.

Hyperarousal (feeling "on edge")

These described what I was going through, but nothing tied it to being disabled in a world that was never designed for me. Some academic papers, like this one, identified this exclusion but didn’t put a succinct word or phrase onto this. On some days, I was willing to tolerate it, to even push past it, but today, I just wasn’t having it. While spoon theory didn’t quite match up with my feeling, it was tangential. I had absolutely no more energy to fight with an inaccessible world.

At that moment, I was extremely grateful for my offline friend that immediately suggested a safe space. I guess he could hear the utter exhaustion and frustration in my voice so wanted to do his part. I wished more of my friends did that.

I then began looking up something strictly related to accessibility. Accessibility trauma. Disability related PTSD? Spoon exhaustion. I didn’t have a good word for this feeling, and none seemed to exist. After contemplation, I think I have a phrase for this feeling.

This was the opposite of Access Intimacy.

I tried on a phrase, like I was tasting the words.

Access trauma.

In truth, I think it fits perfectly. While I have a different kind of access trauma than, say, my Deaf friends, I think we can all appreciate and understand the feeling of the world constantly reminding us that the world we’re forced to participate in wasn’t designed for us.

The important thing about access trauma is that it isn’t a thing I can leap over because it will creep up again or ram smack dab into me again when I least expect it. It will be relentless, unforgiving, and not at all surprising. Throughout my whole life, I’ll be forced to confront access trauma daily, even with friends that are temporarily abled. Access trauma, or accessibility PTSD, or whatever term ends up defining this feeling, isn’t something we’ll be able to just brush off like a pernicious crumb. It’s going to remind me, over and over again, that I’m adapting to a world that isn’t designed for me and it’s going to remind me that my tricks for skirting around barriers won’t always work the next time I try a trick to get around an inaccessible world and it fails.

I don’t have a solution other than to surround myself with people that understand inadequate access and who just understand that community care can help ease the pain. Will it be perfect? Of course not! Nothing is perfect. At least, though, with community care, and interdependence care, we’re building off other’s knowledge and resources and skills. Temporarily abled people can help strengthen community and interdependence care. In fact, I wish more would, even if they’re not perfect at it. Even if they mess up the first time, they’ve got my support even if they don’t always get it right.

I haven’t figured out a good way to combat access trauma because it’s embedded into society, and I know there will be days where I don’t have the spoons to leap over the inadequate and inaccessible society I must battle every day. As of right now, I’m taking small steps that will cultivate spaces where I don’t have to battle access trauma. I don’t expect everybody to understand my hesitation when they invite me to an unfamiliar location, but I am making them listen and pay attention.

I think, when it comes right down to it, that’s the best way I can think of to really combat access trauma. Professional, personal, or sexual. While I can’t battle every inequity that comes my way, I can stop and make people understand why I’m refusing to experience access trauma again. I think that’s a form of self-care we all should take. My true friends will listen and act. I don’t know what I’ll do with the friends that refuse to hear or listen to my pain.

If you enjoyed this blog post, you might enjoy the fiction podcast Tales After Dark: Erotic Audio Dramas

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sarcozona
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