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‘Self-termination is most likely’: the history and future of societal collapse | Environment | The Guardian
Saturday August 2nd, 2025 at 9:26 AM

The Guardian
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“We can’t put a date on Doomsday, but by looking at the 5,000 years of [civilisation], we can understand the trajectories we face today – and self-termination is most likely,” says Dr Luke Kemp at the Centre for the Study of Existential Risk at the University of Cambridge.

“I’m pessimistic about the future,” he says. “But I’m optimistic about people.” Kemp’s new book covers the rise and collapse of more than 400 societies over 5,000 years and took seven years to write. The lessons he has drawn are often striking: people are fundamentally egalitarian but are led to collapses by enriched, status-obsessed elites, while past collapses often improved the lives of ordinary citizens.

Today’s global civilisation, however, is deeply interconnected and unequal and could lead to the worst societal collapse yet, he says. The threat is from leaders who are “walking versions of the dark triad” – narcissism, psychopathy and Machiavellianism – in a world menaced by the climate crisis, nuclear weapons, artificial intelligence and killer robots.

The work is scholarly, but the straight-talking Australian can also be direct, such as when setting out how a global collapse could be avoided. “Don’t be a dick” is one of the solutions proposed, along with a move towards genuinely democratic societies and an end to inequality.

His first step was to ditch the word civilisation, a term he argues is really propaganda by rulers. “When you look at the near east, China, Mesoamerica or the Andes, where the first kingdoms and empires arose, you don’t see civilised conduct, you see war, patriarchy and human sacrifice,” he says. This was a form of evolutionary backsliding from the egalitarian and mobile hunter-gatherer societies which shared tools and culture widely and survived for hundreds of thousands of years. “Instead, we started to resemble the hierarchies of chimpanzees and the harems of gorillas.”

Instead Kemp uses the term Goliaths to describe kingdoms and empires, meaning a society built on domination, such as the Roman empire: state over citizen, rich over poor, master over slave and men over women. He says that, like the biblical warrior slain by David’s slingshot, Goliaths began in the bronze age, were steeped in violence and often surprisingly fragile.

Goliath states do not simply emerge as dominant cliques that loot surplus food and resources, he argues, but need three specific types of “Goliath fuel”. The first is a particular type of surplus food: grain. That can be “seen, stolen and stored”, Kemp says, unlike perishable foods.

In Cahokia, for example, a society in North America that peaked around the 11th century, the advent of maize and bean farming led to a society dominated by an elite of priests and human sacrifice, he says.

The second Goliath fuel is weaponry monopolised by one group. Bronze swords and axes were far superior to stone and wooden axes, and the first Goliaths in Mesopotamia followed their development, he says. Kemp calls the final Goliath fuel “caged land”, meaning places where oceans, rivers, deserts and mountains meant people could not simply migrate away from rising tyrants. Early Egyptians, trapped between the Red Sea and the Nile, fell prey to the pharaohs, for example.

“History is best told as a story of organised crime,” Kemp says. “It is one group creating a monopoly on resources through the use of violence over a certain territory and population.”

All Goliaths, however, contain the seeds of their own demise, he says: “They are cursed and this is because of inequality.” Inequality does not arise because all people are greedy. They are not, he says. The Khoisan peoples in southern Africa, for example, shared and preserved common lands for thousands of years despite the temptation to grab more.

Instead, it is the few people high in the dark triad who fall into races for resources, arms and status, he says. “Then as elites extract more wealth from the people and the land, they make societies more fragile, leading to infighting, corruption, immiseration of the masses, less healthy people, overexpansion, environmental degradation and poor decision making by a small oligarchy. The hollowed-out shell of a society is eventually cracked asunder by shocks such as disease, war or climate change.”

History shows that increasing wealth inequality consistently precedes collapse, says Kemp, from the Classical Lowland Maya to the Han dynasty in China and the Western Roman empire. He also points out that for the citizens of early rapacious regimes, collapse often improved their lives because they were freed from domination and taxation and returned to farming. “After the fall of Rome, people actually got taller and healthier,” he says.

Collapses in the past were at a regional level and often beneficial for most people, but collapse today would be global and disastrous for all. “Today, we don’t have regional empires so much as we have one single, interconnected global Goliath. All our societies act within one single global economic system – capitalism,” Kemp says.

He cites three reasons why the collapse of the global Goliath would be far worse than previous events. First is that collapses are accompanied by surges in violence as elites try to reassert their dominance. “In the past, those battles were waged with swords or muskets. Today we have nuclear weapons,” he says.

Second, people in the past were not heavily reliant on empires or states for services and, unlike today, could easily go back to farming or hunting and gathering. “Today, most of us are specialised, and we’re dependent upon global infrastructure. If that falls away, we too will fall,” he says.

“Last but not least is that, unfortunately, all the threats we face today are far worse than in the past,” he says. Past climatic changes that precipitated collapses, for example, usually involved a temperature change of 1C at a regional level. Today, we face 3C globally. There are also about 10,000 nuclear weapons, technologies such as artificial intelligence and killer robots and engineered pandemics, all sources of catastrophic global risk.

Kemp says his argument that Goliaths require rulers who are strong in the triad of dark traits is borne out today. “The three most powerful men in the world are a walking version of the dark triad: Trump is a textbook narcissist, Putin is a cold psychopath, and Xi Jinping came to rule [China] by being a master Machiavellian manipulator.”

“Our corporations and, increasingly, our algorithms, also resemble these kinds of people,” he says. “They’re basically amplifying the worst of us.”

Kemp points to these “agents of doom” as the source of the current trajectory towards societal collapse. “These are the large, psychopathic corporations and groups which produce global catastrophic risk,” he says. “Nuclear weapons, climate change, AI, are only produced by a very small number of secretive, highly wealthy, powerful groups, like the military-industrial complex, big tech and the fossil fuel industry.

“The key thing is this is not about all of humanity creating these threats. It is not about human nature. It is about small groups who bring out the worst in us, competing for profit and power and covering all [the risks] up.”

The global Goliath is the endgame for humanity, Kemp says, like the final moves in a chess match that determine the result. He sees two outcomes: self-destruction or a fundamental transformation of society.

He believes the first outcome is the most likely, but says escaping global collapse could be achieved. “First and foremost, you need to create genuine democratic societies to level all the forms of power that lead to Goliaths,” he says. That means running societies through citizen assemblies and juries, aided by digital technologies to enable direct democracy at large scales. History shows that more democratic societies tend to be more resilient, he says.

“If you’d had a citizens’ jury sitting over the [fossil fuel companies] when they discovered how much damage and death their products would cause, do you think they would have said: ‘Yes, go ahead, bury the information and run disinformation campaigns’? Of course not,” Kemp says.

Escaping collapse also requires taxing wealth, he says, otherwise the rich find ways to rig the democratic system. “I’d cap wealth at $10 million. That’s far more than anyone needs. A famous oil tycoon once said money is just a way for the rich to keep score. Why should we allow these people to keep score at the risk of destroying the entire planet?”

If citizens’ juries and wealth caps seem wildly optimistic, Kemp says we have been long brainwashed by rulers justifying their dominance, from the self-declared god-pharaohs of Egypt and priests claiming to control the weather to autocrats claiming to defend people from foreign threats and tech titans selling us their techno-utopias. “It’s always been easier to imagine the end of the world than the end of Goliaths. That’s because these are stories that have been hammered into us over the space of 5,000 years,” he says.

“Today, people find it easier to imagine that we can build intelligence on silicon than we can do democracy at scale, or that we can escape arms races. It’s complete bullshit. Of course we can do democracy at scale. We’re a naturally social, altruistic, democratic species and we all have an anti-dominance intuition. This is what we’re built for.”

Kemp rejects the suggestion that he is simply presenting a politically leftwing take on history. “There is nothing inherently left wing about democracy,” he says. “Nor does the left have a monopoly on fighting corruption, holding power accountable and making sure companies pay for the social and environmental damages they cause. That’s just making our economy more honest.”

He also has a message for individuals: “Collapse isn’t just caused by structures, but also people. If you want to save the world then the first step is to stop destroying it. In other words: don’t be a dick. Don’t work for big tech, arms manufacturers or the fossil fuel industry. Don’t accept relationships based on domination and share power whenever you can.”

Despite the possibility of avoiding collapse, Kemp remains pessimistic about our prospects. “I think it’s unlikely,” he says. “We’re dealing with a 5,000-year process that is going to be incredibly difficult to reverse, as we have increasing levels of inequality and of elite capture of our politics.

“But even if you don’t have hope, it doesn’t really matter. This is about defiance. It’s about doing the right thing, fighting for democracy and for people to not be exploited. And even if we fail, at the very least, we didn’t contribute to the problem.”

Goliath’s Curse by Luke Kemp was published in the UK on 31 July by Viking Penguin

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Years of Lead (Italy) - Wikipedia
Saturday August 2nd, 2025 at 4:28 AM

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The Years of Lead (Italian: Anni di piombo) were a period of political violence and social upheaval in Italy that lasted from the late 1960s until the late 1980s, marked by a wave of both far-left and far-right incidents of political terrorism and violent clashes.

The Years of Lead are sometimes considered to have begun with the 1968 movement in Italy and the Hot Autumn strikes starting in 1969;[34] the death of the policeman Antonio Annarumma in November 1969;[35] the Piazza Fontana bombing in December of that year, which killed 17 and was perpetrated by right-wing terrorists in Milan; and the death shortly after of anarchist worker Giuseppe Pinelli while in police custody under suspicion of being responsible for the attack, which he was ultimately deemed as not having committed.[36]

A far-left group, the Red Brigades, eventually became notorious as a terrorist organization during the period; in 1978, they kidnapped and assassinated former Italian prime minister Aldo Moro. Another major crime associated with the Italian Years of Lead was the 1980 bombing of the Bologna railway station, which killed 85 people and for which several members of the far-right, neo-fascist terrorist group known as the Nuclei Armati Rivoluzionari were convicted. Far-right terrorist organizations were also involved in various other bombings that resulted in the killings of multiple civilians, including the Piazza della Loggia bombing in 1974, which killed eight people and wounded 102 others. The terrorist organizations gradually disbanded, and police arrested their members throughout the 1980s. Sporadic political violence continued in Italy until the late 1980s, resurfacing to a lesser extent in the late 1990s and continuing until the mid-2000s.

The term's origin possibly came as a reference to the number of shootings during the period,[37] or a popular 1981 German film Marianne and Juliane, released in Italy as Anni di piombo, which centred on the lives of two members of the West German militant far-left group Red Army Faction which had gained notoriety during the same period.

See also: 1968 movement in Italy and Hot Autumn

The period was marked by widespread social conflict and unprecedented acts of terrorism carried out by both right- and left-wing groups. From the early 1960s, as Italy was enjoying its so-called economic miracle, far left and far right movements were gradually radicalised by the fading of revolutionary ideals and by the failure of the major right- and left-wing parties to influence mainstream politics. In 1960, the support of the Tambroni government by the neo-fascist Italian Social Movement (MSI) led to rioting and the government's demise.[38] The MSI's exclusion from any sort of coalition disappointed far-right groups and made them consider taking radical action. Likewise, the Italian Communist Party's inability to ignite revolution in Italy or even win national elections, and its insertion into mainstream politics led to the disillusionment of many left-wing activists who evolved towards more extreme movements. Widespread labour unrest and the collaboration of countercultural student activist groups with working class factory workers and pro-labour radical leftist organizations such as Potere Operaio and Lotta Continua culminated in the so-called "Hot Autumn" of 1969, a massive series of strikes in factories and industrial centres in Northern Italy.[36] Student strikes and labour strikes, often led by workers, leftists, left-sympathizing labourers, or Marxist activists, became increasingly common, often deteriorating into clashes between the police and demonstrators composed largely of workers, students, activists, and often left-wing militants.[36]

The Christian Democrats (DC) were instrumental in the Italian Socialist Party (PSI) gaining power in the 1960s, and they created a coalition. The assassination of the Christian Democrat leader Aldo Moro in 1978 ended the strategy of historic compromise between the DC and the Italian Communist Party (PCI). The assassination was carried out by the Red Brigades, then led by Mario Moretti. Between 1968 and 1988,[33] 428 murders were attributed to political violence in the form of bombings, assassinations, and street warfare between rival militant factions.

Main article: Hot Autumn

Public protests shook Italy during 1969, with the workers' rights movement and autonomist student movement being particularly active, leading to the occupation of the Fiat Mirafiori automobile factory in Turin.

On 19 November 1969, Antonio Annarumma, a Milanese policeman, was killed during a riot by far-left demonstrators.[49][50] He was the first civil servant to die in the wave of violence.

Main article: Piazza Fontana bombing

The Victor Emmanuel II Monument, the Banca Nazionale del Lavoro in Rome and the Banca Commerciale Italiana and the Banca Nazionale dell'Agricoltura in Milan were bombed in December.

Local police arrested 80 or so suspects from left-wing groups, including Giuseppe Pinelli, an anarchist initially blamed for the bombing, and Pietro Valpreda. Their guilt was denied by left-wing members, especially by members of the student movement, then prominent in Milan's universities, as they believed that the bombing was carried out by fascists. Following the death of Giuseppe Pinelli, who mysteriously died on 15 December while in police custody, the radical left-wing newspaper Lotta Continua started a campaign accusing police officer Luigi Calabresi of Pinelli's murder.[36][17] In 1975, Calabresi and other police officials were acquitted by judge Gerardo D'Ambrosio who decided that Pinelli's fall from a window had been caused by him becoming ill and losing his balance.[51][52]

Meanwhile, the anarchist Valpreda and five others were convicted and jailed for the bombing. They were later released after three years of preventive detention. Then, two neo-fascists, Franco Freda (resident in Padua) and Giovanni Ventura, were arrested and accused of being the organizers of the massacre; in 1987 they were acquitted by the Supreme Court for lack of evidence.[53]

In the 1990s, new investigations into the Piazza Fontana bombing, citing new witnesses' testimony, implicated Freda and Ventura again. However, the pair cannot be put on trial again because of double jeopardy, as they were acquitted of the crime in 1987.[54]

The Red Brigades were founded in August 1970 by Renato Curcio and Margherita (Mara) Cagol, who had met as students at the University of Trento and later married,[36] and Alberto Franceschini.

While the Trento group around Curcio had its main roots in the Sociology Department of the Catholic University, the Reggio Emilia group (around Franceschini) mostly included former members of the FGCI (the Communist youth movement) expelled from the parent party for their extremist views.[36]

Another group of militants came from the Sit-Siemens factories in Milan; these were Mario Moretti, a union official, Corrado Alunni, who would leave the Red Brigades to found another organization "fighter", and Alfredo Buonavita, a blue-collar worker.[36]

The first action of the RB was burning the car of Giuseppe Leoni (a leader of Sit-Siemens company in Milan) on 17 September 1970, in the context of the labour unrest within the factory.

Main article: Golpe Borghese

In December, a neo-fascist coup, dubbed the Golpe Borghese, was planned by young far-right fanatics, main veterans of Italian Social Republic, and supported by members of the Corpo Forestale dello Stato, along with right-aligned entrepreneurs and industrialists. The "Black Prince", Junio Valerio Borghese, took part in it. The coup, called off at the last moment, was discovered by the newspaper Paese Sera, and publicly exposed three months later.[36]

On 26 March, Alessandro Floris was assassinated in Genoa by a unit of the October 22 Group, a far-left terrorist organization. An amateur photographer had taken a photo of the killer that enabled police to identify the terrorists. The group was investigated, and more members were arrested. Some fled to Milan and joined the Gruppi di Azione Partigiana (GAP) and, later, the Red Brigades.[55]

The Red Brigades considered Gruppo XXII Ottobre its predecessor and, in April 1974, they kidnapped Judge Mario Sossi in a failed attempt at freeing the jailed members.[56] Years later, the Red Brigades killed judge Francesco Coco on 8 June 1976, along with his two police escorts, Giovanni Saponara and Antioco Deiana, in revenge.[57]

On 17 May 1972, police officer Luigi Calabresi, a recipient of the gold medal of the Italian Republic for civil valour, was killed in Milan. Authorities initially focused on suspects in Lotta Continua; then it was assumed that Calabresi had been killed by neo-fascist organizations, bringing about the arrest of two neo-fascist activists, Gianni Nardi and Bruno Stefano, along with German Gudrun Kiess, in 1974. They were ultimately released. Sixteen years later, Adriano Sofri, Giorgio Petrostefani, Ovidio Bompressi, and Leonardo Marino were arrested in Milan following Marino's confession to the murder. Their trial finally established their guilt in organising and carrying out the assassination.[58] Calabresi's assassination opened the chapter of assassinations carried out by armed groups of the far-left.[36]

Further information: Vincenzo Vinciguerra § 1972 Peteano bombing

On 31 May 1972, three Italian Carabinieri were killed in Peteano in a bombing, attributed to Lotta Continua. Officers of the Carabinieri were later indicted and convicted for perverting the course of justice.[59] Judge Casson identified Ordine Nuovo member Vincenzo Vinciguerra as the man who had planted the Peteano bomb.

The neo-fascist terrorist Vinciguerra, arrested in the 1980s for the bombing in Peteano, declared to magistrate Felice Casson that this false flag attack had been intended to force the Italian state to declare a state of emergency and to become more authoritarian. Vinciguerra explained how the SISMI military intelligence agency had protected him, allowing him to escape to Francoist Spain.

Casson's investigation revealed that the right-wing organization Ordine Nuovo had collaborated with the Italian Military Secret Service, SID (Servizio Informazioni Difesa). Together, they had engineered the Peteano attack and then blamed the Red Brigades. He confessed and testified that he had been covered by a network of sympathizers in Italy and abroad who had ensured that he could escape after the attack. "A whole mechanism came into action", Vinciguerra recalled, "that is, the Carabinieri, the Minister of the Interior, the customs services and the military and civilian intelligence services accepted the ideological reasoning behind the attack."[12][60]

Main article: Primavalle fire

A 16 April 1973 arson attack by members of Potere Operaio on the house of neo-fascist Italian Social Movement (MSI) militant Mario Mattei in Primavalle, Rome, resulted in his two sons, aged 22 and 8, being burned alive.[61]

Main article: Milan police headquarters bombing

During a 17 May 1973 ceremony honouring Luigi Calabresi, in which the Interior Minister was present, Gianfranco Bertoli, an anarchist, threw a bomb that killed four and injured 45.

In 1975, Bertoli was sentenced to life imprisonment: despite self-identifying as an anarchist, the Milan Court wrote that he was connected with the far-right New Order and was a SID informant and a confidant of the Police.[17]

In the 1990s, it was suspected that Bertoli was a member of Gladio but he denied it in an interview: in the list of 622 Gladio members made public in 1990, his name is missing.[62][63]

A magistrate investigating the assassination attempt of Mariano Rumor found that Bertoli's files were incomplete.[59] General Gianadelio Maletti, head of the SID from 1971 to 1975, was convicted in absentia in 1990 for obstruction of justice in the Mariano Rumor case.

Main article: Piazza della Loggia bombing

In May 1974, a bomb exploded during an anti-fascist demonstration in Brescia, Lombardy, killing eight and wounding 102. On 16 November 2010, the Court of Brescia acquitted the defendants: Francesco Delfino (a Carabiniere), Carlo Maria Maggi, Pino Rauti, Maurizio Tramonte, and Delfo Zorzi (members of the Ordine Nuovo neo-fascist group). The prosecutor had requested life sentences for Delfino, Maggi, Tramonte, and Zorzi, and acquittal for lack of evidence for Pino Rauti. The four defendants were acquitted again by the appeal court in 2012 but, in 2014, the supreme court ruled that the appeal trial would have to be held again at the appeal court of Milan for Maggi and Tramonte. Delfino and Zorzi were definitely acquitted. On 22 July 2015, the appeal court sentenced Maggi and Tramonte to life imprisonment for ordering and coordinating the massacre.[64]

On 17 June 1974, two members of MSI were murdered in Padua. Initially, an internal feud between neo-fascist groups was suspected, since the crime had occurred in the city of Franco Freda. However, the murder was then claimed by the Red Brigades: it was the first murder of the organization,[36] which, until then, had only committed robberies, bombings, and kidnappings.[17]

Main article: White Coup

Count Edgardo Sogno said in his memoirs that in July 1974, he visited the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) station chief in Rome to inform him of preparations for a coup. Asking what the United States (US) government would do in case of such a coup, Sogno wrote that he was told, "the United States would have supported any initiative tending to keep the communists out of government". General Maletti declared, in 2001, that he had not known about Sogno's relationship with the CIA and had not been informed about the coup, known as Golpe bianco (White Coup), led by Randolfo Pacciardi.[65]

Main article: Italicus Express bombing

On 4 August 1974, 12 people were killed and 48 others injured in the bombing of the Italicus Rome-Brenner express train at San Benedetto Val di Sambro. Responsibility was claimed by the neo-fascist terrorist organization Ordine Nero.[66][67][68][69][70]

General Vito Miceli, chief of the SIOS military intelligence agency in 1969, and head of the SID from 1970 to 1974, was arrested in 1974 on charges of "conspiracy against the state".[17] Following his arrest, the Italian secret services were reorganized by a 24 October 1977 law in an attempt to reassert civilian control over the intelligence agencies. The SID was divided into the current SISMI, the SISDE, and the CESIS, which was to directly coordinate with the Prime Minister of Italy. An Italian Parliamentary Committee on Secret services control (Copaco) was created at the same time.[71] Miceli was acquitted in 1978.[17]

In 1974, some leaders of the Red Brigades, including Renato Curcio and Alberto Franceschini, were arrested, but new leadership continued the war against the Italian right-wing establishment with increased fervour.[36]

The Italian government showed reluctance in addressing far-left terrorism. The ruling Christian Democracy party underestimated the threat of the Red Brigades, speaking of "phantom" Red Brigades, emphasising instead the danger of neo-fascist groups. The Italian left wing was also less worried by the existence of an armed communist organization than by the possible abuses by the police against protesters, calling for the disarmament of police during street demonstrations.[36]

The year before, Potere Operaio had disbanded, although Autonomia Operaia carried on in its wake. Lotta Continua also dissolved in 1976, although their magazine struggled on for several years. From the remnants of Lotta Continua and similar groups, the terror organization Prima Linea emerged.

On 28 February, student and fascist activist Mikis Mantakas was killed by far-leftists during riots in Rome.[17]

On 13 March, a young militant of Italian Social Movement (MSI) Sergio Ramelli was assaulted in Milan by a group of Avanguardia Operaia and wounded in the head with wrenches (aka Hazet 36). He died on 29 April, after 47 days in the hospital.[36]

On 25 May, student and left activist Alberto Brasili was stabbed in Milan by neo-fascist militants.[36]

On 5 June, Giovanni D'Alfonso, a member of the Carabinieri police force, was killed by the Red Brigades.[36]

On 29 April, lawyer and militant of Italian Social Movement (MSI) Enrico Pedenovi was killed in Milan by the organization Prima Linea. This was the first assassination conducted by Prima Linea.[72]

On 8 July, in Rome, Judge Vittorio Occorsio was killed by neo-fascist Pierluigi Concutelli.[17]

On 14 December, in Rome, policeman Prisco Palumbo was killed by the Nuclei Armati Proletari.[36]

On 15 December, in Sesto San Giovanni (a town near Milan), vice chief Vittorio Padovani and Marshal Sergio Bazzega were killed by young extremist Walter Alasia.[36]

On 11 March, Francesco Lorusso was killed by the military police (the Carabinieri) at the university of Bologna.

On 12 March, a Turin policeman Giuseppe Ciotta was killed by Prima Linea.[73]

On 22 March, a Rome policeman Claudio Graziosi was killed by Nuclei Armati Proletari.[36]

On 28 April, in Turin, lawyer Fulvio Croce was killed by the Red Brigades.[17]

On 12 May, in Rome, 19-year-old student Giorgiana Masi was killed during clashes between police officers and demonstrators.

On 14 May, in Milan, activists from a far-left organization pulled out their pistols and began to shoot at the police, killing policeman Antonio Custra.[74] A photographer took a photo of an activist shooting at the police. This year was called the time of the "P38", referring to the Walther P38 pistol.

On 16 November, in Turin, Carlo Casalegno, deputy director of the newspaper La Stampa, was seriously wounded in an ambush of the Red Brigades. He died thirteen days later, on November 29.[17]

On 4 January, in Cassino, chief of Fiat security Carmine De Rosa was killed by leftists.[75]

On 7 January, in Rome, young militants of Italian Social Movement (MSI) Franco Bigonzetti and Francesco Ciavatta were killed by far-leftists, another militant (Stefano Recchioni) was killed by the police during a violent demonstration.[75] Some militants left the MSI and founded the Nuclei Armati Rivoluzionari, which had ties with the Roman criminal organization Banda della Magliana.[17]

On 20 January, in Florence, policeman Fausto Dionisi was killed by Prima Linea.[75]

On 7 February, in Prato (a town near Florence), notary Gianfranco Spighi was killed by leftists.[75]

On 14 February, in Rome, Judge Riccardo Palma was killed by the Red Brigades.[75]

On 10 March, in Turin, Marshal Rosario Berardi was killed by the Red Brigades.[75]

On 16 March in Milan, the killing of Fausto and Iaio occurred. Nobody has ever been found responsible for the double murder.[76]

On 11 April, in Turin, policeman Lorenzo Cutugno was killed by the Red Brigades.[36]

On 20 April, in Milan, policeman Francesco Di Cataldo was killed by the Red Brigades.[36]

On 10 October, in Rome, judge Girolamo Tartaglione was killed by the Red Brigades.[17]

On 11 October, in Naples, university teacher Alfredo Paolella was killed by Prima Linea.[17]

On 8 November, in Patrica (a town near Frosinone), judge Fedele Calvosa was killed by the Unità Comuniste Combattenti.[17]

Main article: Kidnapping of Aldo Moro

On 16 March 1978, Aldo Moro was kidnapped by the Red Brigades (then led by Mario Moretti), and five of his security detail were killed. Aldo Moro was a left-leaning Christian Democrat who served several times as prime minister; before his murder, he had been trying to include the Italian Communist Party (PCI), headed by Enrico Berlinguer, in the government through a deal called the Historic Compromise. PCI was, at the time, the largest communist party in Western Europe; mainly because of its non-extremist and pragmatic stance, its growing independence from Moscow and its eurocommunist doctrine. The PCI was especially strong in areas such as Emilia Romagna, where it had stable government positions and mature practical experience, which may have contributed to a more pragmatic approach to politics. The Red Brigades were fiercely opposed by the Communist Party and trade unions: some left-wing politicians used the expression "comrades who do wrong" (Compagni che sbagliano). Franco Bonisoli [it], one of RB's members who participated in the kidnapping, declared that the decision to kidnap Moro "was taken a week before, a day was decided, it could have been 15 or 17 March".[36]

On 9 May 1978, after a summary "trial of the people", Moro was murdered by Mario Moretti with, it was also determined, the participation of Germano Maccari [it].[77] The corpse was found that same day in the trunk of a red Renault 4 in via Michelangelo Caetani, in downtown Rome. A consequence there was the fact that the PCI did not gain executive power.

Moro's assassination was followed by a large clampdown on the social movement, including the arrest of many members of Autonomia Operaia, including Oreste Scalzone and political philosopher Antonio Negri (arrested on 7 April 1979).

Active armed organizations grew from 2 in 1969 to 91 in 1977 and 269 in 1979. In that year there were 659 attacks.[17]

On 19 January, Turin policeman Giuseppe Lorusso was killed by the Prima Linea organization.[78]

On 24 January, worker and trade unionist Guido Rossa was killed in Genoa by the Red Brigades.[79]

On 29 January, Judge Emilio Alesandrini was killed in Milan by Prima Linea.[80]

On 9 March, university student Emanuele Iurilli was killed in Turin by Prima Linea.[81]

On 20 March, investigative journalist Mino Pecorelli was gunned down in his car in Rome. Prime Minister Giulio Andreotti and Mafia boss Gaetano Badalamenti were sentenced in 2002 to 24 years in prison for the murder, though the sentences were overturned the following year.[82]

On 3 May, in Rome, policemen Antonio Mea and Piero Ollanu were killed by the Red Brigades.[79]

On 13 July, in Druento (a town near Turin), policeman Bartolomeo Mana was killed by Prima Linea.[83]

On 13 July, in Rome, Lieutenant Colonel of Carabinieri Antonio Varisco was killed by the Red Brigades.[79]

On 18 July, barman Carmine Civitate was killed in Turin, by Prima Linea.[84]

On 21 September, Carlo Ghiglieno was killed in Turin by a group of Prima Linea.[85]

On 11 December, five teachers and five students of the "Valletta" Institute in Turin were shot in the legs by Prima Linea.[17]

On 8 January, Milan policemen Antonio Cestari, Rocco Santoro, and Michele Tatulli were killed by the Red Brigades.[17]

On 25 January, Genoa policemen Emanuele Tuttobene and Antonio Casu were killed by the Red Brigades.[17]

On 29 January, petrochemical plant manager Silvio Gori was killed by the Red Brigades.[17]

On 5 February, in Monza, Paolo Paoletti was killed by Prima Linea.[86][87]

On 7 February, Prima Linea militant William Vaccher was killed on suspicion of treason.[17]

On 12 February, in Rome, at the "La Sapienza" University, Vittorio Bachelet, vice-president of the High Council of the Judiciary and former president of the Roman Catholic association Azione Cattolica, was killed by the Red Brigades.[17]

On 10 March, in Rome, cook Luigi Allegretti was killed by Compagni armati per il Comunismo.[79]

On 16 March, in Salerno, Judge Nicola Giacumbi was killed by the Red Brigades.[17]

On 18 March, in Rome, Judge Girolamo Minervini was killed by the Red Brigades.[79]

On 19 March, in Milan, Judge Guido Galli was killed by a group of Prima Linea.[88]

On 10 April, in Turin, Giuseppe Pisciuneri a Mondialpol guard, was killed by Ronde Proletarie.[89]

On 28 May, in Milan, journalist Walter Tobagi was killed by Brigata XXVIII marzo.[79]

On 23 June, in Rome, Judge Mario Amato was killed by the Nuclei Armati Rivoluzionari.[79]

On 31 December, in Rome, General of Carabinieri Enrico Galvaligi was killed by the Red Brigades.[79]

Main article: Bologna massacre

On 2 August, a bomb killed 85 people and wounded more than 200 in Bologna. Known as the Bologna massacre, the blast destroyed a large portion of the city's main railway station. This was found to be a neo-fascist bombing, mainly organized by the Nuclei Armati Rivoluzionari: Francesca Mambro and Valerio Fioravanti were sentenced to life imprisonment. In April 2007, the Supreme Court confirmed the conviction of Luigi Ciavardini, a NAR member associated closely with close ties to Terza Posizione. Ciavardini received a 30-year prison sentence for his role in the attack.[90]

On 5 July, Giuseppe Taliercio, director of the Porto Marghera's Montedison petrochemical establishment, was killed by the Red Brigades after 47 days of kidnapping.[17]

On 3 August, Roberto Peci, an electrician, was killed by the Red Brigades after being kidnapped and held for 54 days. The killing was a vendetta against his brother Patrizio, a member of RB who became pentito the year before.[17]

On 17 December, James L. Dozier, an American general and the deputy commander of NATO's South European forces based in Verona, was kidnapped by the Red Brigades. He was freed in Padua on 28 January 1982 by the Nucleo Operativo Centrale di Sicurezza (NOCS), an Italian police anti-terrorist task force.[91]

On 26 August, a group of Red Brigades terrorists attacked a military troop convoy in Salerno. In the attack, Corporal Antonio Palumbo[92] and policemen Antonio Bandiera[93] and Mario De Marco[94] were killed. The terrorists escaped.

On 21 October, a group of Red Brigades terrorists attacked a bank in Turin, killing two guards, Antonio Pedio[95] and Sebastiano d'Alleo.[96]

On 15 February, Leamon Hunt, American diplomat and Director General of the international peacekeeping force, Multinational Force and Observers (MFO), was killed by the Red Brigades.[17]

Main article: Train 904 bombing

On 23 December, a bomb on a train between Florence and Rome killed 16 and wounded more than 200. In 1992, Mafia soldiers Giuseppe Calò and Guido Cercola were sentenced to life imprisonment, Franco Di Agostino (another member of the Sicilian Mafia) got 24 years, and German engineer Friedrich Schaudinn 22 for the bombing. Camorra's member Giuseppe Misso was sentenced to 3 years; other members of Camorra, Alfonso Galeota and Giulio Pirozzi were sentenced to 18 months, and their role in the massacre was deemed marginal.[97] On 18 February 1994, the Florence court absolved MSI member of Parliament Massimo Abbatangelo from the massacre charge, but ruled him guilty of giving the explosive to Misso in the spring of 1984. Abbatangelo was sentenced to 6 years. Victims' relatives asked for a tougher sentence, but lost the appeal and had to pay for judicial expenses.[98]

On 9 January, in Torvaianica (a town near Rome), policeman Ottavio Conte was killed by the Red Brigades.[79]

On 27 March, in Rome, economist Ezio Tarantelli was killed by the Red Brigades.[79]

On 10 February 1986, Lando Conti, former mayor of Florence, was killed by the Red Brigades.[17]

On 20 March 1987, Licio Giorgieri, a general in the Italian Air Force, was assassinated by the Red Brigades in Rome.[17]

On 16 April 1988, Senator Roberto Ruffilli was assassinated in an attack by a group of the Red Brigades in Forlì. It was the last murder committed by the Red Brigades: on 23 October a group of irriducibili (hardliners) declared, in a document, that war against the State was over.[17]

In the late 1990s and early 2000s, a resurgence of Red Brigades terrorism led to further assassinations.

On 20 May 1999, Massimo D'Antona, a consultant to the Ministry of Labour, was assassinated in an attack by a group of terrorists of the Red Brigades in Rome.

On 19 March 2002, Marco Biagi, an academic and consultant to the Ministry of Labour, was assassinated in an attack by a group of terrorists of the Red Brigades in Bologna.

On 2 March 2003, Emanuele Petri, a policeman, was assassinated by a group of Red Brigades terrorists near Castiglion Fiorentino.

In 2021, France arrested seven of the dozens of fugitive leftist militants who had been given French protection for decades. Among the arrested were Giorgio Pietrostefani, a founding member of the Lotta Continua group who was convicted of the murder of Milan police commissioner Luigi Calabresi. Others were Marina Petrella, Roberta Cappelli and Sergio Tornaghi, who had received life sentences for murders and kidnappings.[99]

The Mitterrand doctrine, which was established in 1985 by then socialist French president François Mitterrand, stated that Italian far-left terrorists who fled to France and who were convicted of violent acts in Italy, excluding "active, actual, bloody terrorism" during the "Years of Lead", would receive asylum and would not be subject to extradition to Italy. They would be integrated into French society.

The act was announced on 21 April 1985, at the 65th Congress of the Human Rights League (Ligue des droits de l'homme, LDH), stating of Italian criminals who had given up their violent pasts and had fled to France would be protected from extradition to Italy:

Italian refugees ... who took part in terrorist action before 1981 ... have broken links with the infernal machine in which they participated, have begun a second phase of their lives, have integrated into French society ... I told the Italian government that they were safe from any sanction by the means of extradition.[100]

According to Reuters, the Italian guerillas numbered in the dozens. The French decision had a long term negative effect on French-Italian relations.[99]

Upon the arrest in France of seven Italian far-left militants, French Minister of Justice Eric Dupond-Moretti said he was "proud to participate to this decision that I hope will allow Italy to turn after 40 years a bloody and tearful page of its history."[101]

Some Italian citizens accused of terrorist acts have found refuge in Brazil such as Cesare Battisti and other former members of the Armed Proletarians for Communism, a far-left militant and terrorist organization.

Some Italian far-left activists found political asylum in Nicaragua, including Alessio Casimirri, who took part in the kidnapping of Aldo Moro.

The Years of Lead were believed to have increased the rate of immigration to the United States from Italy. However, as the Years of Lead came to an end in the 1980s and political stability increased in Italy, the rate of immigration to the United States decreased. In the years 1992–2002, Italian immigration ranged nearly 2,500 people annually.[102]

  1. ^ a b c d e Fled Italy
  2. ^ a b c d Acquitted
  1. ^ Disbanded by police.
  2. ^ Disbanded by members due to increasing police pressure. Most already joined the Red Brigades; others focused on politics.
  3. ^ Dismantled by police. Members merged into the Red Brigades and Partisan Action Groups.
  4. ^ Dismantled by police.
  5. ^ Disbanded due to internal feuds. Some members merged into the Red Brigades whilst others formed Prima Linea.
  6. ^ Disbanded due to internal disagreements. Some members merged into the group Autonomous Worker.
  7. ^ Dissolved due to police pressure and members merging into the PAC, Red Brigades, and Prima Linea. Those imprisoned often associated with NAP.
  8. ^ Banned, some joined Ordine Nero.
  9. ^ Banned. Its members joined Ordine Nero.
  10. ^ Dismantled.
  11. ^ Dissolved by police. Used by NAR as a cover name later on.
  12. ^ By a prematurely detonated explosive they were planting.
  13. ^ Disbanded by police.
  14. ^ Disbanded by members due to increasing police pressure. Most already joined the Red Brigades; others focused on politics.
  15. ^ Dismantled by police. Members merged into the Red Brigades and Partisan Action Groups.
  16. ^ Dismantled by police.
  17. ^ Disbanded due to internal feuds. Some members merged into the Red Brigades whilst others formed Prima Linea.
  18. ^ Disbanded due to internal disagreements. Some members merged into the group Autonomous Worker.
  19. ^ Dissolved due to police pressure and members merging into the PAC, Red Brigades, and Prima Linea. Those imprisoned often associated with NAP.
  20. ^ Banned, some joined Ordine Nero.
  21. ^ Banned. Its members joined Ordine Nero.
  22. ^ Dismantled.
  23. ^ Dissolved by police. Used by NAR as a cover name later on.
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  5. ^ It was dismantled and became inactive.
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  35. ^ Montanelli, Indro; Cervi, Mario (28 June 2013) [1991]. L'Italia degli anni di piombo – 1965–1978. Storia d'Italia (in Italian). Bur. ISBN . Retrieved 1 May 2023. Rimase ucciso, al volante dellu su jeep, un poliziotto ventiduenne, Antonio Annarumma [...].
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  47. ^ "Strage di Piazza Fontana spunta un agente Usa". 11 February 1998.
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  53. ^ "STRAGE DI PIAZZA FONTANA AZZERATI 17 ANNI DI INDAGINI", la Repubblica, January 28, 1987 (in Italian).
  54. ^ "Freda e Ventura erano colpevoli", Corriere della Sera, 11 June 2005 (in Italian).
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  56. ^ "Mario Sossi −". Archivio900.it. Archived from the original on 20 February 2022. Retrieved 5 May 2010.
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  62. ^ "Io spia dei Servizi? Follia", La Stampa, 21 March 1995 (in Italian).
  63. ^ Camera dei deputati – relazione sulla vicenda Gladio – allegati Elenco dei 622 nominativi e Parere dell’Avvocatura dello Stato Archived 2014-07-14 at the Wayback Machine (in Italian).
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  65. ^ Philip Willan, "Terrorists 'helped by CIA' to stop rise of left in Italy", The Guardian, 26 March 2001.
  66. ^ Charles Richards (1 December 1990). "Gladio is still opening wounds" (PHP). Independent: 12. Retrieved 3 August 2009.
  67. ^ Ed Vulliamy (4 March 2007). "Blood and glory" (XHTML). The Observer. Retrieved 3 August 2009.
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  100. ^ Les réfugiés italiens ... qui ont participé à l'action terroriste avant 1981 ... ont rompu avec la machine infernale dans laquelle ils s'étaient engagés, ont abordé une deuxième phase de leur propre vie, se sont inséré dans la société française .... J'ai dit au gouvernement italien qu'ils étaient à l'abri de toute sanction par voie d'extradition ....
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Héctor Bellerín’s summer holidays look a little different from your typical footballer. Rather than pictures from a recent jaunt to Ibiza clubs such as Ushuaia or questionable birthday parties, his Instagram is dominated by books.

Images of paperbacks he’s read are all over his feed, a mix of classics and contemporary novels, with a majority from Spain and South America.

Alana Portero’s celebrated (and Pedro Almodóvar-approved) novels about queer life in 80s Madrid feature on his read pile, alongside the Mexican Juan Rulfo’s classic surrealist novel Pedro Páramo – which inspired a young Gabriel García Márquez to write One Hundred Years of Solitude – and Federico García Lorca’s Gypsy Ballads.

Bellerín, who played for Arsenal for nine years before moving back to his native Spain with Real Betis, talks about literature’s transformative power.

“Literature has become something that has – and I know it’s a cliche – but to me, it has completely changed my life,” he said from a Betis training camp in Portugal.

Bellerín’s love of literature was sparked during the Covid-19 lockdowns, when the young full-back was isolating in his home in St Albans, Hertfordshire. He began reading the novels of Charles Bukowski while he was still playing for Arsenal.

He made his way through Hollywood and Post Office, the American writer’s autobiographical debut, which follows the life of the sardonic anti-hero Henry Chinaski. “I was miserable in quarantine,” said Bellerín. “I didn’t know when football was going to come back. I was even drinking a lot … I had a bit of a tough time. Literature, I’m not gonna say made me survive, but it made my life way easier.”

Some footballers might shy away from sharing their love of reading, especially in a climate when anything outside the football bubble is deemed a “distraction”, but Bellerín has made no secret of his interests beyond sport.

He’s flirted with fashion, and even started his own label. He loves photography, and believes passionately in the power of art to help with mental health. He has been a vocal advocate for sustainability in football, and in 2022 he criticised the lack of media coverage of conflicts in Palestine, Iraq and Yemen compared with Ukraine.

Bellerín grew up in a house of books. His father had a passion for ancient Greece, which inspired Bellerín’s first name. But between the ages of 19 and 26 he read mostly nonfiction (mirroring the habits of many young men).

Reading was something he did to learn something, rather than for pleasure. “When I read something, it had to have a purpose and then I realised it was the other way around,” he said.

The work of the German-Swiss novelist Hermann Hesse followed Bukowski, but after making his way through 10 books, the Spaniard realised that he’d only read male writers and made a conscious decision to read more women.

He moved on to The Vegetarian by the Nobel prize winner Han Kang, and Naomi Klein’s Doppelganger, while cool, contemporary Spanish writers such as José Luis Sastre, Adrian Daine, Marta Jiménez Serrano, Carolina Yuste and the Granta young writer Cristina Morales dominate his book piles.

Sergio C Fanjul, a culture writer at the Spanish daily El País, said the list showed Bellerín was “closely attuned to the pulse of the publishing world”, with writers such as Portero, Leila Guerriero, Marta Jiménez Serrano, Juan Tallon and Alejandro Zambra being some of the “most critically acclaimed writers” of recent years. “I think Bellerín is a reader who doesn’t simply follow mainstream trends,” Fanjul added.

On his Portuguese training trip he’s brought a book of Leslie Jamison essays, Mary Karr’s Art of Memoir, Sara Mesa’s Cara de Pan, Simon Critchley’s What We Think About When We Think About Football and Samanta Schweblin’s Little Eyes, which the Guardian called “ingenious”.

The footballer gets recommendations from a writing group he attends every Tuesday night in Seville. Made up of students, doctors and engineers, the group has introduced him to the contemporary Spanish literary scene.

“We feed off each other, recommending books and movies. My taste has also changed, because the people I’ve got around me have great taste and give great recommendations, new names and new faces and new ways of writing.”

There’s only one book that’s defeated him.

He tried Emily Brontë’s Wuthering Heights in the original English before reverting to the Spanish translation, titled Cumbres Borrascosas. “I couldn’t get through that in English,” Bellerín confessed. “I tried it, but couldn’t.”

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