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The life and death of Rosa Reichel: the brilliant girl who was swept away

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It was not a river. It was scarcely a stream. The Ruisseau des Quartes, Marcourt, Belgium. An unlovely and unremarkable tributary of the Ourthe, itself a tributary of the mighty Meuse, which thunders from France through Belgium and the Netherlands and on to the chilly oblivion of the North Sea. It was barely 2 metres wide, boggy in places, just 5cm deep in others. The parents dropping off their children at the United World Colleges summer camp on 10 July 2021 hopped over it as they lugged bags to the dormitories.

Fourteen-year-old Benjamin Van Bunderen Robberechts was nervous on the drive down. He would have to take a Covid test on arrival and he worried it would be positive. Belgium was beginning to relax restrictions and Benjamin was desperate to socialise with other teenagers. But the test was negative; soon, Benjamin was dropping off his things in his dorm and meeting his other campmates. And there was Rosa.

Rosa Reichel was 15, from Denmark and Germany by way of New York, but her family lived in Brussels. Dyed red hair and black eyeliner and chunky silver necklaces. She tapped Benjamin on the shoulder and told him a dirty joke. Just like that, they were friends.

The girl Benjamin met that day laughed a lot: loudly, happily. If you gathered Rosa’s friends in a room and asked them to describe one thing about Rosa, without question it would be her laugh. If you gave them more words, her friends would say how much fun she was, but also how caring: how Rosa was always the person who noticed when people were feeling low and tried to cheer them up. They felt that she was someone you could rely on, someone who brightened any room she was in. She stood up for her friends and for causes she believed in. At first, she might have been a little shy around you, but when she opened up, she would share her humour, her values, herself.

Benjamin was a little over­whelmed by her. “She was the greatest person I ever met,” he says.

The rain was hammering down on Wednesday 14 July. During their morning workshops, Benjamin and Rosa exchanged looks, as if to say: this is stupid. The teenagers played ping pong and grouched about the food. By the afternoon, they were getting restless. A few, including Rosa, decided to go for a run in the rain.

“How was the run?” Benjamin asked when she returned. “Wet,” she said.

There were no adults around, but other children were outside. It was raining, but it didn’t feel dangerous. Benjamin and Rosa went outside, stood on a bridge over the stream and watched the water. The ground was muddy. Rosa slipped. Benjamin caught her before she fell. “The last thing she said to me was: ‘Benjamin, what would I do without you?’”

Seconds later, the fields flooded with a terrifying rush of water. Rosa was dragged away. Benjamin jumped in after her. He caught her and grabbed at branches with his free arm. He remembers seeing his sandals float away, one after another. There was a fence pole sticking out of the bank. He lunged at it, still holding Rosa with his other arm. “But then a bigger wave came and she slipped out of my hands.”


Across Wallonia, the primarily French-speaking region in the south of Belgium, the rain hammered all through 13 July. In the worst-affected areas, between 200mm and 300mm fell in only 72 hours. Members of the European Flood Awareness System in the UK had sent warnings to the Belgian authorities on 12 July, but it appears these were not sufficiently heeded.

The catastrophe unfolded on the morning of 14 July. In the city of Liège – once at the centre of the Industrial Revolution, a place where coal was mined and iron was forged and copper was refined, for export via the Meuse all around the world – members of the city council attended a Bastille Day ceremony in honour of the French resistance at the Parc d’Avroy. Senior figures kept taking phone calls and stepping away. The military commander of the province excused himself.

Seven miles away, in Trooz, a humdrum deindustrialised town with 8,500 inhabitants, the River Vesdre burst its banks at noon. It rose 6 metres in total. The mayor, Fabien Beltran, had been up all night trying to deal with a mudslide on the outskirts of the city. His wife was in hospital with a brain aneurysm; this was the last thing he needed.

The city’s communications servers were housed in a basement in the town hall, which flooded within an hour. By 1.30pm, all the roads were impassable. When Beltran’s phone got a signal, which was seldom, it buzzed incessantly with panicked calls from residents. They were standing on their kitchen tables, with the water up to their waist. Beltran called the army, who told him help was on its way. Eight hours later, a few soldiers arrived with small dinghies. Beltran had 2,200 people who needed to be moved to safety. It was impossible. Parents were on rooftops with their children; they weren’t sure whether to jump into the water. Beltran had no one to send them. It was the worst moment of his life.

Upstream, in Eupen, the Vesdre dam was straining. In normal times, it holds 25m cubic metres of water, but after the heavy rainfall it was cradling an extra 13.4m cubic metres. If it burst, 38.4m cubic metres would barrel through the Vesdre valley towns of Limbourg, Verviers, Pepinster, Trooz and Chaudfontaine. On the evening of 14 July, a decision was made to release water. It flowed into the Vesdre initially at a rate of 5 cubic metres a second, which gradually increased until it rushed through at 150 cubic metres a second. On 15 July, just after midnight, seismometers shuddered with the roar of a flash flood.

It thundered along the Vesdre, then into the Ourthe and the Meuse. It pulverised bridges, roads, warehouses, lorries, factories, cars and shops. Buildings were torn in half like loaves of bread. Bridges crumpled like cans in a recycling bin. The water carried metre-long blocks of butter, now foul-smelling and contaminated with oil, and chocolate moulds from the Galler factory in Chaudfontaine.

The next day, 15 July, dawned cold and wet. In Liège, Dolhain and Eupen, the mayors evacuated the cities, amid fears a dam near Liège would break. But in Trooz and Pepinster, it was too late for that: people were already trapped. Members of a jetski club offered Beltran their services. If they drowned, he could be liable for their deaths. But there were children on roofs, so he said yes. At great personal risk, the jetskiers rescued people. But not everyone could be saved.

In Trooz, a 20-year-old man died trying to cross the road. Two elderly people had heart attacks. In Liège, two people drowned in their houses. In all, 39 people died in Belgium before the waters receded.

On the morning of 15 July, an alert flashed on the mobile phones of people in the affected areas. “Be alert,” it read. “Flooding on the banks of the Meuse. Evacuate if possible, or take shelter upstairs.”


It took three days for rescuers to find Rosa’s body four miles downstream. Benjamin tried to be hopeful, to think that maybe she was sitting in a tree, but he knew in his heart that she was dead. “The water was a monster,” he says.

For months, he barely left his bedroom. He tried going to school, but on his first day back someone asked him how his summer was and it broke him. He avoided looking at bodies of water. He felt that Rosa’s death was his fault. “I think maybe I was the one who said: ‘Let’s go outside.’ I didn’t rescue her,” says Benjamin, now 17, in a quiet voice.

He went over every memory he had of Rosa, their every interaction in the five days he had known her. How she said his aviator sunglasses made him look like Tom Cruise in Top Gun. How they joked that they were like husband and wife. How he taught her how to play Rock Around the Clock on his bass guitar. “Every time I thought of Rosa, I would be pulled into the river in my mind,” he says.

It didn’t take long for Benjamin to make the connection between Rosa’s death and the climate emergency. “It pretty quickly fell into place,” he says. On 10 October 2021, Benjamin joined protesters marching through Brussels to call for climate justice before Cop26. He was with a group of Rosa’s friends, all dressed in red.

“Politicians die of old age,” read their banner. “Rosa died of climate change.”


Philippe Duquesnoy was meant to be on holiday with his partner, 45-year-old Inge Van Tendeloo, in July 2021, but they couldn’t go because of the pandemic. The 51-year-old factory manager saw the floods on the news. He lives in Kessel, in the Flemish part of Belgium, an hour and a half’s drive away. He decided to offer his services as a volunteer.

On the first day, he cooked for people on an old army kitchen. He started organising the volunteers and sending them to flooded houses. Residents would point him out – that guy with the round glasses, they would say, he’ll help you – and the volunteers turned to him, awaiting orders.

“That’s the way it started,” says Duquesnoy. It’s January 2024 and we are in Trooz. Walking through the town with Duquesnoy and Van Tendeloo is like walking around with a celebrity: they cannot go five paces without being stopped. Everywhere, slices of cake, thimbles of homemade kirsch and cups of coffee are pressed upon them. In a bakery, a man insists on buying them – and me, because I am with them – lunch. They have a special sign that lets them park anywhere they want. Duquesnoy jokes that if Van Tendeloo ever kicked him out, he would be able to live in Trooz for nothing for years.

This largesse repays what, in retrospect, seems a bottomless, unfathomable kindness. For two years, Duquesnoy and Van Tendeloo spent every weekend – often both days – rebuilding Trooz, a town they had never visited before the floods and in which they had no family. With the rest of their volunteers, a 120-strong collective named #TeamEclairs, they cleaned, painted, tiled and fixed roofs. (The name is a nod to their favourite pastries, but also the speed with which they worked – éclair means flash of lightning in French.)

In this town, they are vastly more popular than Beltran, a softly spoken man with a hangdog expression and a black sense of humour. “Many people are very tough with me,” sighs Beltran. We are in his office, in a portable building in the car park of an old car museum. Nearly three years on, city hall still hasn’t been rebuilt. “They think it’s my own responsibility, what happened. It’s very hard for me every day on the Facebook: the city don’t do anything! The mayor is not there. Every day. Every day!” This will be Beltran’s last term. “I resign,” he says, laughing. “Oh yes.”

I arrive in Trooz after a few days of heavy rain. People are anxious about the water level; they check a flood warning app incessantly. Some will not walk by the river; the sound of rainfall triggers painful memories. After the floods, about 1,000 people moved away, although 600 have returned. Those that remain mutter darkly about the dam and how its mismanagement, not the rain, was responsible for the catastrophic flows. Trooz is a post-industrial town. People here are not wealthy. About 40% of the population were not insured. They received some assistance from the government, but mostly relied upon the volunteers.

Duquesnoy is a jovial wisecracker in a threadbare #TeamEclairs hoodie. Van Tendeloo has short fair hair and radiates warmth. They take me to the house of Jennifer Klar, a 39-year-old single mother who works in the public sector. It’s a gutted-out wreck. Klar’s home was flooded, then looted. She had to split the insurance payout with her ex-husband, so she received only half of what she needed to rebuild. She bought a cheaper house nearby that was also flood-damaged, but she says a builder took her money and disappeared before completing the work, leaving the roof exposed and the house uninhabitable.

Duquesnoy heard through his contacts in late 2023 that she was in trouble. Even though #TeamEclairs had officially disbanded, he agreed to help her.

Until the renovations are completed, Klar and her daughters, 15, 10 and six, are sleeping at her mother’s flat. Klar is on the sofa and the girls share a double bed; her mother stays at a friend’s. “The girls are wondering if they will ever have a normal life like before,” says Klar, a petite blond woman with manicured nails and tiny, delicate tattoos. “Because it’s taken two and a half years and they don’t see an end to the situation. For the oldest, it’s the most difficult. Because she understands everything.”

Blinking heavily, Klar tells me that she promised her daughters they would be in the new house by Christmas 2023, but she couldn’t make it happen. They didn’t even put up a Christmas tree – no one felt like celebrating. She starts to cry.

“Sometimes, people ask me: ‘How’s the situation right now?’” says Duquesnoy quietly, as Van Tendeloo comforts Klar on the other side of the room. “And the situation is that a lot of people are psychologically very down.” Some were suicidal before #TeamEclairs showed up. “That’s something for my life,” he says. “To know you’ve helped someone in that way. And that’s the reason we’re still here.”

In neighbouring Chaudfontaine, a 34-year-old secretary, Jennifer Koremans, shows us around her newly refurbished home, which is high-spec and modern, but has the antiseptic feel of an Airbnb. Everything is new. There are no photos or pictures – all gone in the flood – and the only colour comes from a bowl of tangerines on the kitchen table. Koremans was also the victim of a cowboy builder, she says, losing €29,000 (about £25,000). #TeamEclairs spent nine months refurbishing her home, for nothing.

“They came from heaven to help me, without any reason,” says Koremans, eyes brimming. “That’s how I started to want to live again.”

On the drive back, I ask Duquesnoy whether he thinks he is going to heaven. “You don’t know what I did before!” he roars, slapping the steering wheel. “Maybe God will consider it.”

There is so much kindness, friendship and love in this town. Volunteers have formed romantic relationships with local people – there is even a #TeamEclairs baby, a boy called Fonske. But there is also a sense that this must never happen again. The city authorities are in the process of buying land to be repurposed as flood plains. A now abandoned social housing project, situated in a meander of the Vesdre, will be torn down. But there is only €40m in the municipal budget for this, not nearly enough. And some of the houses that will be demolished have already been rebuilt by their owners, at great cost.

On an individual level, many are not prepared for the floods to return. They have rebuilt their homes exactly as they were, without flood-resilience measures. Electrics and boilers are downstairs. Bedrooms are on the ground floor. There are no flood-proof walls, doors or windows.

All across Trooz and the surrounding towns, people talk of the dam. Had it not been full, had it not been opened so suddenly, this calamity would not have happened. Yes, there would have been flooding, but not on this scale. The authorities, they think, will not make the same mistake twice. There will be future flooding, yes – these towns are used to 30cm, even 60cm, of water – but the bombe à eau that exploded in the Vesdre valley on the night of 15 July will never be seen again.

Beltran believes this is magical thinking, but he is OK with it. “If this idea can reassure them, it’s good for me,” he says. “It’s like a religion. In religion, if you are thinking there is someone over there taking care of you, no problem.” The real reason, says the beleaguered mayor – whom I am interviewing on a Saturday morning, because he works most Saturdays anyway, who met 2,500 people in their homes after the floods while his wife was in hospital, yet still gets hammered on Facebook – “was not human error. It was climate change.”


A criminal inquiry is under way into the alleged mismanagement of the Vesdre dam, but Liège university’s professor of urban planning, Jacques Teller, knows the real cause of the flooding: it’s the rain, stupid.

“Of course the dam did not help,” says Teller, a spry, compact, fast-talking man. “But the main driver is the rain.” Fabian Docquier, the director of dams for the region, couldn’t agree more. “We mustn’t reverse the roles,” he told the Belgian newspaper Sudinfo. “It’s not the Vesdre dam that flooded the valley, but these exceptional rains.”

The climatologist Prof Xavier Fettweis has calculated that the floods that took place in Belgium in July 2021 would have been impossible before 2014 and were made possible only because of the climate crisis. Hot air retains water, which increases precipitation; a 1C temperature increase means that 7% more water is retained in the air. Global heating also means that areas of low pressure stay in the same place for longer. The 2021 floods were caused by a low-pressure system over central Europe, leading to sustained rainfall over large areas. Belgium was badly affected, as was Germany.

The topography of the Vesdre valley makes it particularly susceptible to flooding. Three major rivers converge – the Vesdre, the Ourthe and the Meuse – as well as their tributaries, while the Hautes-Fagnes, the highest hills in Belgium, trap clouds, concentrating rainfall into a densely populated region.

According to Fettweis’s models, a flooding event on the same scale as July 2021 – or even larger – will take place once or twice in the Vesdre valley before 2050.

How do you tell a community of people who have lost everything – whose neighbours died, who fought insurance companies and predatory builders and only now, falteringly, are beginning to get their lives back on track – that these floods may recur not only once, but twice, in the next 25 years?

Teller has tried, interviewing survivors in the immediate aftermath of the floods. “A lot of people, at the end of the interview, told me: ‘I will rebuild this time. But I could not do it another time,’” says Teller. How did local people take the news? “Very badly. They were totally convinced it could not occur any more.”

We are in Pepinster, standing on the riverbank, shifting to stay warm. It’s so cold that Teller tries to give me his gloves more than once. Facing us is what was a two‑storey brick house, now derelict, with an enormous hole in the front wall.

People like to believe that it was the dam, says Teller, “because you keep control”. It’s a forgivable folly, but a folly nonetheless. Here, in the Vesdre valley, layers of folly accumulate like high tide marks on the riverbank. Houses are built right on the water, sometimes with subterranean garages. The bridges crossing the river have columns that are easily clogged with debris. The land has been planted with pine trees, which drain, rather than absorb, water.

Teller points out some older houses, built in or before the 19th century, which are raised half a metre above the ground. “People were not stupid,” says Teller. But this knowledge was lost with the rapid industrialisation of the valley in the 19th century. By the 1950s, people had started building upstream, driving more water to low-lying ground. “People felt protected by the dam,” says Teller. “It created a false confidence.”

Central Liège did not flood in 2021, because the city authorities installed pumping stations in 1926, after the Meuse burst its banks and flooded the city centre. You can still see the water marks on the cathedral. But Teller says hard flood defences across such a large area are not practicable. “When you have these walls, you have to be sure they will never be breached,” says Teller. “Because when they’re breached, it’s terrible. It’s a catastrophe. It’s going very fast. It’s better to let the water get higher progressively than build a wall, giving people a false feeling of safety.”

Teller is advising the authorities on how to rebuild the region. They are mostly receptive to his advice, but there is a limit to his influence. In Limbourg, we walk around an abandoned social housing development. “They had the brilliant idea to build social housing here,” says Teller, sarcastically. “After the flood, the social housing company that owns the land initially rebuilt the homes, installing new window frames, before the city authorities halted the reconstruction. Now, the city will tear down the development, but in nearby Verviers, a private developer hopes to redevelop the city centre to include underground car parking by the Vesdre. “What is in their mind?” Teller laughs. “I cannot understand.”

The inconvenient reality is that the Vesdre valley will certainly flood again, badly, within the next 25 years, maybe twice. When the waters come – and they will come – many people will not be prepared.

“People want to forget,” says Teller. “It’s normal. The memory is already progressively erased.”


When I meet Benjamin, he has just returned from Cop28, where he spoke at 10 events and met a senior adviser to António Guterres, the secretary general of the UN. He is now a full-time activist, or, as he prefers to put it, a “climate diplomat”; his campaign is called Climate Justice for Rosa. (Benjamin home-schools himself and hopes to attend university next year.) Already, he has succeeded in persuading the EU to honour the global victims of the climate crisis, with a day of remembrance held annually on 15 July, but he wants it to be policy at a UN level.

Benjamin has the weary cynicism of someone twice his age. “Cop was horrible,” he says, picking at a pain au chocolat in a bistro in Brussels. “The end result was so bad.” He has received a death threat. “It wasn’t a bad one,” he says with a shrug.

He knows all the Belgian politicians and he knows their tricks. “Always take the picture at the end of the conversation, otherwise they’ll use you for the photo and disappear,” he says. He dreads interviews about Rosa, but he never turns them down, because he feels it’s important to tell her story. “I haven’t lost all hope yet,” he says. Benjamin hates it when journalists ask him if their relationship was romantic. “I don’t know,” he says flatly. “I don’t want to think about it too much, because I will badly emotionally hurt myself.”

It seems to me, meeting Benjamin, that two children fell into that stream on 14 July, but the one who survived was no longer a child.

We leave our pastries and walk to an alder tree planted in Brussels’ Ixelles district – Rosa’s tree. Today, 7 January, would have been Rosa’s 18th birthday. Her childhood best friend, Freya Devlin, 18, and Rosa’s teenage cousins are busy preparing the tree for a memorial event that evening.

“It’s like time stopped for her, but kept going for everyone else,” says Devlin. “How do you process that?” She wears one of Rosa’s silver necklaces around her neck – she had to unknot it from a mass of jewellery taken from her body after she died. “I miss her laugh a lot,” she says. “I miss talking to her. She was really, really cool. I think I was always in awe of how cool she was. Still am, to be honest.”

Benjamin pulls out a box of chalk and begins drawing roses on the pavement. Rosa’s uncle Søren cleans litter away. “Ben is so good,” Søren says, watching him. “He’s so persistent, so stubborn in this important struggle.” The teenagers light fairy lights that flicker in the sub-zero breeze. “There’s so much love around her,” says Søren of his niece.

By 6pm, there are about 50 of us – Rosa’s extended family, her friends from school and camp and their family and friends. One mother attends on behalf of her daughter, who is away at university. “It’s really shaped these kids,” she says to another parent.

Rosa’s immediate family – her mother, father and two brothers – arrive. Her mother embraces everyone individually and gives them a rose. The family link arms and look up at the tree’s branches, now festooned in brightly coloured pom-poms and paper lanterns. They stand there in silence, faces tight with pain. Then, one by one, they step forward and deposit Rosa’s roses at her tree. We follow suit. As they are leaving, Rosa’s father sticks a Climate Justice for Rosa sticker on an adjacent lamp-post.

The sticker is still there the next month, when Benjamin sends me a photograph of the tree: it has snowed and someone has built a snowman in front of it.

The snowman melts. Rosa’s friends start talking about university; #TeamEclairs clean out Klar’s house; Beltran earmarks houses for demolition while the angry Facebook messages pile up in his inbox; and climatologists announce that this January was the warmest on record. But for Rosa, now and always, time stands still.

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Our infrastructure is wildly unprepared for climate change.
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Pluralistic: General Mills and cheaply bought “dietitians” co-opted the anti-diet movement (05 Apr 2024) – Pluralistic: Daily links from Cory Doctorow

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A lab-coated scientist in a chem lab filled with retorts, glassware, etc. The image has been modified. The scientist's head has been replaced with the head of the Trix rabbit, and his labcoat now has a General Mills logo patch stitched onto the shoulder. The contents of his main beaker have been replaced with a floating Cocoa Puffs logo.

General Mills and cheaply bought "dietitians" co-opted the anti-diet movement (permalink)

Steve Bannon isn't wrong: for his brand of nihilistic politics to win, all he has to do is "flood the zone with shit," demoralizing people to the point where they no longer even try to learn the truth.

This is really just a more refined, more potent version of the tactical doubt sown by Big Tobacco about whether smoking caused cancer, a playbook later adopted by the fossil fuel industry to sell climate denial. You know Darrell Huff's 1954 classic How To Lie With Statistics? Huff was a Big Tobacco shill (his next book, which wasn't ever published, was How To Lie With Cancer Statistics). His mission wasn't to help you spot statistical malpractice – an actual thing that is an actual problem that you should actually learn to spot. It was to turn you into a nihilist who didn't believe anything could be known:

https://pluralistic.net/2021/01/04/how-to-truth/#harford

Corporations don't need you to believe that their products are beneficial or even non-harmful. They just need you to believe nothing. If you don't know what's true, then why not just do whatever feels good, man? #YOLO!

These bannonfloods of shit are a favored tactic of strongmen and dictators. Their grip on power doesn't depend on their citizens trusting them – it's enough that they trust no one:

http://jonathanstray.com/networked-propaganda-and-counter-propaganda

Bannonflooding is especially beloved of the food industry. Food is essential, monopolized, and incredibly complicated, and many of the most profitable strategies for growing, processing and preparing food are very bad for the people who eat that food. Rather than sacrificing profits, the food industry floods the zone with shit, making it impossible to know what's true, in hopes that we will just eat whatever they're serving:

https://journals.plos.org/plosbiology/article?id=10.1371/journal.pbio.2003460

Now, the "nothing can be known" gambit only works if it's really hard to get at the truth. So it helps that nutrition and diet are very complex subjects, but it helps even more that the nutrition and diet industry are a cesspool of quacks and junk science. This is a "scientific discipline" whose prestigious annual meetings are sponsored (and catered) by McDonald's:

https://www.motherjones.com/environment/2014/05/my-trip-mcdonalds-sponsored-nutritionist-convention/

It's a "science" whose most prominent pitchmen peddle quack nostrums and sue the critics who point out (correctly) that eating foods high in chlorophyll will not "oxygenate your blood" (hint, chlorophyll only makes oxygen in the presence of light, which is notably lacking in your colon):

https://www.badscience.net/2007/02/ms-gillian-mckeith-banned-from-calling-herself-a-doctor/

When the quack-heavy world of nutrition combines with the socially stigmatized world of weight-loss, you get a zone ripe for shitflooding. The majority of Americans are "overweight" (according to a definition that relies on the unscientific idea of BMI) and nearly half of Americans are "obese." These numbers have been climbing steadily since the 1970s, and every diet turns out to be basically bullshit:

https://headgum.com/factually-with-adam-conover/what-does-ozepmic-actually-do-with-dr-dhruv-khullar

Notwithstanding the new blockbuster post-Ozempic drugs, we're been through an unbroken 50-year run of more and more of us being fatter and fatter, even as fat stigma increased. Fat people are treated as weak-willed and fundamentally unhealthy, while the most prominent health-risks of being fat are roundly neglected: the mental health effects of being shamed, and the physical risks of having doctors ignore your health complaints, no matter how serious they sound, and blame them on your weight:

https://maintenancephase.buzzsprout.com/1411126/11968083-glorifying-obesity-and-other-myths-about-fat-people

Fat people and their allies have banded together to address these real, urgent harms. The "body acceptance" movement isn't merely about feeling good in your own skin: it's also about fighting discrimination, demanding medical care (beyond "lose some weight") and warning people away from getting on the diet treadmill, which can lead to dangerous eating disorders and permanent weight gain:

https://www.beacon.org/You-Just-Need-to-Lose-Weight-P1853.aspx

Fat stigma is real. The mental health risks of fat-shaming are real. Eating disorders are real. Discrimination against fat people is real. The fact that these things are real doesn't mean that the food industry can't flood the zone with shit, though. On the contrary: the urgency of these issues, combined with the poor regulation of dietitians, makes the "what should you eat" zone perfect for flooding with endless quantities of highly profitable shit.

Perhaps you've gotten some of this shit on you. Have you found yourself watching a video from a dietitian influencer like Cara Harbstreet, Colleen Christensen or Lauren Smith, promoting "health at any size" with hashtags like #DerailTheShame and #AntiDiet? These were paid campaigns sponsored by General Mills, Pepsi, and other multinational, multibillion-dollar corporations.

Writing for The Examination, Sasha Chavkin, Anjali Tsui, Caitlin Gilbert and Anahad O'Connor describe the way that some of the world's largest and most profitable corporations have hijacked a movement where fat people and their allies fight stigma and shame and used it to peddle the lie that their heavily processed, high-calorie food is good for you:

https://www.theexamination.org/articles/as-obesity-rises-big-food-and-dietitians-push-anti-diet-advice

It's a surreal tale. They describe a speech by Amy Cohn, General Mills’ senior manager for nutrition, to an audience at a dietitian's conference, where Cohn "denounced the media for 'pointing the finger at processed foods' and making consumers feel ashamed of their choices." This is some next-level nihilism: rather than railing against the harmful stigma against fat people, Cohn wants us to fight the stigma against Cocoa Puffs.

This message isn't confined to industry conferences. Dietitians with large Tiktok followings like Cara Harbstreet then carry the message out to the public. In Harbstreet's video promoting Cinnamon Toast Crunch, Cocoa Puffs and Trix, she says, "I will always advocate for fearlessly nourishing meals, including cereal…Because everyone deserves to enjoy food without judgment, especially kids":

https://www.tiktok.com/@streetsmart.rd/video/7298403730989436206

Dietitians, nutritionists and the food industry have always had an uncomfortably close relationship, but the industry's shitflooding kicked into high gear when the FDA proposed rules limiting which foods the industry can promote as "healthy." General Mills, Kelloggs and Post have threatened a First Amendment suit against such a regulation, arguing that they have a free speech right to describe manifestly unhealthy food as "healthy."

The anti-diet movement – again, a legitimate movement aimed at fighting the dangerous junk science behind dieting – has been co-opted by the food industry, who are paying dietitian influencers to say things like "all foods have value" while brandishing packages of Twix and Reese's. In their Examination article, the authors profile people who struggled with their weight, then, after encountering the food industry's paid disinformation, believed that "healthy at any size" meant that it would be unhealthy to avoid highly processed, high calorie food. These people gained large amounts of weight, and found their lives constrained and their health severely compromised.

I've been overweight all my life. I went to my first Weight Watchers meeting when I was 12. I come from a family of overweight people with the chronic illnesses often associated with being fat. This is a subject that's always on my mind. I even wrote a whole novel about the promise and peril of a weight-loss miracle:

https://us.macmillan.com/books/9781429969284/makers

I think the anti-diet movement, and its associated ideas like body acceptance and healthy at every size, are enormously positive developments and hugely important. It's because I value these ideas that I'm so disgusted with Big Food and its cynical decision to flood the zone with shit. It's also why I'm so furious with dietitians and nutritionists for failing to self-regulate and become a real profession, the kind that censures and denounces quacks and shills.

I have complicated feelings about Ozempic and its successors, but even if these prove to be effective and safe in the long term, and even if we rein in the rapacious pharma companies so that they no longer sell a $5 product for $1000, I would still want dietary science to clean up its act:

https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jamanetworkopen/fullarticle/2816824

I'm not a nihilist. I think we can use science to discover truths – about ourselves and our world. I want to know those truths, and I think they can be known. The only people who benefit from convincing you that the truth is unknowable are the people who want to lie to you.

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#20yrsago Every copy of Reason customized with sat photos of subscribers’ homes https://web.archive.org/web/20100521071233/https://www.nytimes.com/2004/04/05/business/mediatalk-putting-40000-readers-one-by-one-on-a-cover.html

#15yrsago Congressman who’s giving payday loan companies legal 391% APR loans says he’s powerless to resist their lobbying https://consumerist.com/2009/04/05/house-preparing-to-legalize-payday-loans-with-391-aprs/

#5yrsago The New York Times’s chilling multimedia package on China’s use of “smart city” tech to create an open-air prison https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2019/04/04/world/asia/xinjiang-china-surveillance-prison.html

#5yrsago Googler uprising leads to shut down of AI ethics committee that included the president of the Heritage Foundation https://www.vox.com/future-perfect/2019/4/4/18295933/google-cancels-ai-ethics-board

#5yrsago Most paint-spatters are valid perl programs https://docs.google.com/document/d/1ZGGNMfmfpWB-DzWS3Jr-YLcRNRjhp3FKS6v0KELxXK8/preview

#5yrsago The Internet Archive has recovered 500,000+ of the 50,000,000 songs Myspace “accidentally” deleted during a server migration https://www.techspot.com/news/79511-internet-archive-recovers-half-million-lost-myspace-songs.html

#5yrsago Ontario’s low-budget Trump-alike wants to eliminate sedation for people getting colonoscopies https://toronto.citynews.ca/2019/04/04/exclusive-changes-proposed-to-ohip-coverage/

#5yrsago Colorado’s net neutrality law will deny grant money to ISPs that engage in network discrimination https://coloradosun.com/2019/04/05/colorados-own-net-neutrality-bill-gets-some-teeth/

Upcoming appearances (permalink)

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Recent appearances (permalink)


A grid of my books with Will Stahle covers..

Latest books (permalink)


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Upcoming books (permalink)

  • Picks and Shovels: a sequel to "Red Team Blues," about the heroic era of the PC, Tor Books, February 2025
  • Unauthorized Bread: a graphic novel adapted from my novella about refugees, toasters and DRM, FirstSecond, 2025


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Today's top sources: Super Punch (https://www.superpunch.net/).

Currently writing:

  • A Little Brother short story about DIY insulin PLANNING
  • Picks and Shovels, a Martin Hench noir thriller about the heroic era of the PC. FORTHCOMING TOR BOOKS JAN 2025

  • Vigilant, Little Brother short story about remote invigilation. FORTHCOMING ON TOR.COM

  • Spill, a Little Brother short story about pipeline protests. FORTHCOMING ON TOR.COM

Latest podcast: Subprime gadgets https://craphound.com/news/2024/03/31/subprime-gadgets/

This work – excluding any serialized fiction – is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 license. That means you can use it any way you like, including commercially, provided that you attribute it to me, Cory Doctorow, and include a link to <a href="http://pluralistic.net" rel="nofollow">pluralistic.net</a>.

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Let's check in on the enriching discourse over on the Books of Face

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The Deepwater Horizon’s Very Unhappy Anniversary | Hakai Magazine

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Proposal to teach Palestinian history in schools faces backlash | CBC News

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A group of teachers has successfully campaigned for the B.C. Teachers' Federation to lobby the government to include the history of Palestinians in the provincial curriculum.

The proposal has drawn backlash from members of the Jewish community, who say the move is problematic and "one sided." 

The resolution, passed at the BCTF's annual general meeting in March, aims for the union to "continuously lobby" the Ministry of Education and Child Care to include the Nakba — or "catastrophe," the Arabic term used to describe the displacement of Palestinians between 1947 and 1949 — along with the 1948 Arab-Israeli War and the military occupation of Gaza and the West Bank in the list of sample topics for schools.

Teachers 4 Palestine, a group born in the wake of the ongoing war between Israel and Hamas that includes teachers of different faiths and backgrounds, was behind the motion.

Tara Ehrcke, a Jewish high school teacher in Victoria who is involved with Teachers 4 Palestine, said the topic was "noticeably absent" from the curriculum.

"It does impact the kind of background learning that teachers themselves do and are exposed to," said Ehrcke, who was a delegate at the AGM. 

"If something is in the curriculum, that means teachers would receive education about this topic and be better equipped in order to have that discussion with students."

But the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs (CIJA) has contacted the BCTF to express their concerns that the inclusion of the topic will increase antisemitism and intimidation against Jewish students and educators in the classroom. 

"Characterizing the return of the Jewish people to their ancestral homeland after more than 2,000 years of exile as a 'catastrophe' ... is deeply offensive," said Nico Slobinsky, vice-president of CIJA for the Pacific region.

"Teaching about the Nakba will delegitimize Israel. The delegitimization of the Jewish state leads to the demonization not only of Israelis, but of Jewish Canadians who overwhelmingly support Israel."

'Big ideas' curriculum

B.C.'s curriculum is unique in the sense that social studies and history are taught around "big ideas".

Teachers are free to choose the content they use to teach those ideas, but are provided a list of key questions and sample topics to guide them.

"There is no mandatory textbook or resources in the B.C. curriculum," said Lindsay Gibson, assistant professor in the Department of Curriculum and Pedagogy in the Faculty of Education at UBC. "It really is up to teachers to have to identify their own research and resources that they're going to bring into the classroom for students."

WATCH | People share memories and photographs related to the Nakba and Holocaust:

B.C. teachers launch campaign to include education on Palestinian history

A group of B.C. teachers is calling for an addition to the province's curriculum. They're hoping to teach the history of the creation of Israel and the displacement of Palestinians from the land. As Radio-Canada's Francis Plourde reports, their initiative is being met with some opposition.

The idea behind the proposal is to include the history of Palestinians in the list of sample topics, which also include subjects like the Armenian genocide, apartheid in South Africa, the genocide in Rwanda and the internment of Japanese people in Canada during the Second World War.

According to the UN, the Nakba refers to the "mass displacement and dispossession of Palestinians during the 1948 Arab-Israeli war."

As a result of the war, more than half of the Palestinian population — more than 700,000 people according to UN figures — were displaced. Many sought refuge in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, while others settled in neighbouring countries.

Israel insists the Palestinians were not driven out, but instead that most of them left the territory voluntarily for various reasons, among them to avoid being caught in the crossfire.

'It can be scary talking about Palestine and Israel'

While being in the list of sample topics would not make teaching the Nakba mandatory in B.C. schools, it would go a long way toward filling a gap in knowledge, according to Khaled Shawwash, an elementary school teacher also involved with Teachers 4 Palestine.

He and others believe the curriculum doesn't currently include enough about Palestine and Israel. By making those changes, they feel they would have more tools to approach the topic.  

"As a Palestinian educator, it's been challenging," Shawwash said. 

"There's a lot of uncertainty around what parts I can discuss or how I can discuss it. And I think it's really been the driving force behind this campaign.

"It can be scary talking about Palestine and Israel. By having it in the curriculum, teachers and educators will have more confidence in approaching the topic."

Their efforts have received support from various groups through a petition online. As of April 24, 6,397 people had signed it the petition.

Strong opposition from members of Jewish community

But some members of the Jewish community have countered the proposal with a petition of their own. 

The petition, started by Vancouver mother Maria Kleiner, calls on the B.C. government to reject the proposal, which it says "has the potential to increase targeted hatred of specific children thus creating an unsafe learning environment."

As of April 24, her petition had received more than 5,915 signatures.

"It brings politics into the classroom, which is to create division and polarization. It comes at a very difficult time already," said Kleiner, adding that the proposal was "one sided."

"It's a very complex topic, and by simplifying, it becomes purely political propaganda in the classroom, which doesn't belong there," said Kleiner, who, after the Oct. 7 attacks by Hamas in Israel, started a website in which she shares her thoughts and documents about antisemitism in Canada.

WATCH | B.C. and Ontario expanding Holocaust teaching in schools: 

B.C. and Ontario expanding Holocaust teaching in schools

Ontario and British Columbia will update their high school curriculum by the 2025 school year in an effort to combat antisemitism. B.C. says it will make it mandatory for Grade 10 students to learn about the Holocaust while Ontario will expand its current Holocaust curriculum.

But another Jewish mother from Vancouver disagrees. 

Tamara Herman, whose grandparents survived the Holocaust, grew up hearing stories about the genocide of Jews during the Second World War and its impact, and says it shaped her world view. That's why, she says, she strongly believes in the need to tell the full history of the region. 

"One of the most important things in breaking cycles of devastation is to understand how we got to a certain point and why," says Herman, who is involved with Independent Jewish Voices, an organization advocating for the rights of Palestinians.

"And I don't feel my children can be equipped to be able to find a different trajectory moving forward as they pick up the pieces after this horrific devastation without understanding the history of Palestine and Israel.

"That history includes the Nakba, and my child is entitled to learn about it just as much as my child is entitled to learn about the Holocaust and other factors that contributed to where we are."

'Difficult histories'

The history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is considered to be one the most challenging to teach for educators, according to experts.

"In history education, we call these 'difficult histories'" said Gibson, who teaches future educators at UBC.

He says teachers are often left wondering how to teach topics such as this one at a time of increased polarization.

But he's quick to relativize the significance of the proposal and the backlash it's facing.

"I'm not convinced that just including this [in the suggested curriculum] is going to marginalize any population," he says, adding that it's likely the Nakba is taught in some B.C. schools already. 

"I don't know how you could teach about the history of Palestine and Israel, about the refugee issue over time and the root of that without the Nakba," he added.

"It's a pivotal moment, it's a historical root issue of what we're seeing today."

Teachers 'fully equipped' to teach complex topics: minister

Asked recently about the issue, Education Minister Rachna Singh closed the door to discussions about changing the school curriculum.

"I'm leaving it to the teachers," she said. "I feel that they are fully equipped and they have the professional judgment on how to assess their student population and how to impart these lessons. This is what my expectation is, that every child is feeling safe in their schools."

In a statement provided to CBC/Radio-Canada, the BCTF said it would connect with the Ministry of Education and Child Care "to discuss this and other important issues B.C. teachers are facing." 

BCTF president Clint Johnston will also communicate with his members about the resolution, the statement said. 

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Chartbook 280 The state as blunt force - impressions of the Columbia campus clearance.

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Last night, up close, on the barriers on Broadway barring the approaches to Columbia campus, I witnessed riot police crush protestors, driving them out of the way, pinning them against walls. Somewhat further away, on Amsterdam through the haze of drizzle and flashing lights we glimpsed what looked to be disheveled young people being herded into police buses.

It has been a while since I have been on a rough demonstration. Returning to the experience after many years was shocking and deeply thought-provoking. For me, the juxtaposition of the the blunt force deployed against demonstrators and the the themes I am normally preoccupied with, brought home an essential point: the strange multiplicity of ways in which the state manifests its power, but also the ways in which those hierarchies of power intersect and reinforce each other.

My mind was supposed to be on a very different aspects of state power - the multi-billion dollar aid package for Ukraine and Israel and the question of who gets which missile systems. 

The other big policy questions on the Chartbook agenda are:

  • The scale of incentive schemes like the Inflation Reduction Act or the Just Energy Transition Partnerships.

  • The lurching moves in currency and capital markets brought about by the interest rate policy of central banks.

Let there be no mistake about this, all these have their coercive aspects. The mute power of money and the lack of it are all too real.

But then, after all the debate and talk of the last few weeks, last night, there in front of us on the street was the state manifesting in a primitive battle for control of space. Burly officers, shoving, pushing, man-handling, crushing protestors, climbing into buildings - a building I taught in on Monday - using what looked like medieval siege machinery, bodily hauling students off to police vans and cells, pinning their wrists with plastic straps. 

In the main, this force isn’t lethal. But what you realize up close is that non-lethality makes it all the more direct, personal and bodily. After all, the whole point of a gun is that it is a “stand-off” weapon. You don’t get to close quarters. Cinema captures this distancing effect in the geometries of armed stand-offs.

Tarantino: Reservoir Dogs

The lethal, distanced threat of the guns serves to hold everyone, frozen, concentrated in place. Often, as a result, very little happens. An armed stand off is a time to talk. This was true of the only armed confrontation I have ever witnessed up close, the armed siege of a pub in Cambridge, one Sunday morning. That morning nothing moved for several hours. There was a deathly silence apart from the police loud hailer.

The policing of crowds we witnessed last night, is something very different. It is an intensely physical, sweaty, muscular business. This is state power exercised in the manner of a wrestling match or rugby scrum. One might also say that it has something in common with the herding of large-animals, except the animals are people, citizens, indeed.

The exercise of non-lethal but physically coercive power has its own tactical logic. It has its own economy. There is an entire industry of non-lethal means of coercion, with a global market-size of over $10 billion

On the part of the practitioners, it is well rehearsed. The police clearly prepare for action, in mind and in body. Within the New York Police Department there is an extraordinary argument going on right now, as to whether there should be mandatory testing for banned steroids. The largest police trade union has filed a suit against the police-commissioner and NY mayor Adams to shield the police against excessively intrusive testing. Whether the riot police at Columbia last night were regular steroid users, I have no idea. But they certainly looked and acted “pumped”.

Up close, the concentrated aggression of a riot squad is dramatic.

Everyone else in the confrontation on Broadway was talking. Protestors shout slogans and hold placards. By-standers remonstrate with the police. If you lived above 114th street and did not happen to be at home when the police swooped, you had to plead to be allowed to cross the line and return to your own home. Those on the police-side of the barriers were simply locked in. Anyone leaving their home was treated as a potential threat and liable to arrest.

The riot police enforcing this order stand silently, in ranks, several lines deep. It creates an impression that is a strange combination of menace and insecurity. Why do these empowered people, in uniform with all the force at their disposal, need to huddle up and refuse eye contact in the way that they do?

They stand stoney faced even when addressed directly. They don’t talk to regular folks. They refuse any response until ordered.

The crowds opposite them are reduced to watching for twitches in their faces, signs of stress, "tells" that the police are about to move. Those doing the chanting try to see, which slogans produce a reaction. The NYPD smirked in response to “Quit your jobs!”. They seemed a little more disconcerted when the protestors shifted to “I don’t see no riot here. Why are YOU in riot gear?

That was all too evidently true. There was no riot last night at Columbia any more than there has been at any other point. The violence came from the police side and it came at the invitation and request of the University administration.

My colleague at the FT Edward Luce is right. It was the adults not the students that caused the real disorder. It is the University administration not the student protestors who have seriously disrupted the end of term and examinations.

When the violence came last night, it was sudden.

When the sign came to force the passage of one of their vehicles, the police first formed up, moving close to the barrier, face to face with the protestors. The protestors formed a soft chain, many reversed, turning their backs to the police ready for what was about to come, knowing they would need to retreat under massive physical pressure.

On an order from their commander, the police pushed. They pushed hard. Very hard. They move fast, as quickly as their bulk and equipment would allow, maximizing momentum. The officers use waist-high steel barriers as plows to drive the protestors back and to pin them in side streets and against walls. Then, after the vehicle was through and the shouting and chanting of the protestors rose to an extreme crescendo, they pulled back and rearranged themselves again, across Broadway behind their barriers. The shouting and staring resumed. 

The scene was static. But I would not be honest if I did not say that my stomach churned watching it. The sheer force of the movement, the relentless and sudden drive of the steel barrier against human bodies, moved the air.

***

The recent scenes have been campus protests. But it would be naive to imagine that this kind of coercion is confined to symbolic political protests with no broader, economic meaning.

In fact, once you witness it up close, you come to realize that this kind of non-violent physical coercion - the threat of being out-muscled in the crudest sense - is at the heart of our daily lives including in every workplace. Those of us who teach on locked down campuses have recently felt this very intimately.

When we say that corporate security "escorts" a staff member "off the premises", the implicit threat is of a physical confrontation. 

When I ask to enter campus, but am refused, I might imagine that I have enough bulk and speed to get past the first barrier. But that gesture would only result in a pointless and unseemly tussle. To even entertain the idea is absurd. But why? At one level it is a physical calculation: Because there are more of the guards, they are bigger and muscling people is their job. But far more important is the sociology: because the confrontation would erase all the other significant markers of distinction and rank and privilege which 99.999 percent confer privilege and authority on me. Except in this case they don’t. I can’t get onto campus. And, once you think about it, the same is true for many other situations too.

For the sake of order, we are constrained and accept that we are constrained, policed, not just abstractly but physically, guarded, bounded, out-muscled. Only the exceptionally privileged rich and over-mighty escape this mundane regulation. The broader that privilege the more oligarchical and disorder a society is. In extremis oligarchs travel with their own bodyguards and create their own order around themselves, if necessary with privatized violence.

This elementary physical constraint is both an inferior order of power - defined both in terms of race and class and in terms of those who are subject to it and exercise this power. And yet it is also ubiquitous and essential. Its subordinate place in the broader order is itself a threat. If you end up on the wrong end of it, if you end up being muscled, then you risk disqualification. You risk an arrest record and that in turn will devalue all your credentials, your social and cultural capital, invalidate your green card, prohibit naturalization etc.

From the micro to the macro. It is by these same techniques and according to this same logic, on a much larger scale, that major strikes are policed. Looking back, the miners strike in Britain of the 1980s, one of the largest moments of class struggle in the late 20th century, involved demonstration after demonstration, in which men hurled their bodies against each other. 

In the Lockdown protests in China in 2022 workers and security guards clashed body against body. 

Since this is not war, since, unlike in Gaza no guns have gone off, no bombs exploded, after the clashes are over, you tidy up. And apart from some broken furniture and a smashed window, order and normality are restored.

But if you have witnessed these scenes, especially close up, you struggle to unsee and “unfeel” what transpired in those confrontation, the thud of bodies, the rush, the charge. The way the corner of a building became a pen for herding people.

You realize that, in the last instance, this is what the ubiquitous uniformed staff, cameras, doors, key cards, gates that we all take for granted, are there for. They create check points, barricades, they set the stage for what we all know would be, if it ever came to it, very unequal physical encounters. Most of the time this does not need to be made explicit. If you are in my position and that of the vast majority of the readers of this newsletter, this apparatus is mainly there to preserve our privilege, protect our property, to create the playground that is the university campus, even this week.

But that force is there, a blunt, crude, simple force of body on body. It is there in reserve. And the normality which Universities will now do their best to restore, confirms one further point: Almost always, there is only one side that wins this particular type of encounter.

Of course, through struggles and negotiation different social groups and individuals can work for better, more just, more equal, more open, more transparent bargains. But after confrontation, the ordering force is restored and it perdures. Right now, the NYPD will police Columbia campus until after graduation.

The only way to change that would be to take up the most radical of demands. In a revolutionary situation that means to challenge military hierarchy and command chain.

Kiel Mutiny November 3 1918

I cite this picture not out of revolutionary romanticism, but because this is literally the history I taught in Hamilton Hall, the site of the occupation, only the other week: how it is when you politicize the state’s coercive power that you really challenge its foundations.

In the present moment the call is to defund the police and abolish prisons. Both demands strike many people as impractical. They poll badly. Authoritarian attitudes run deep. But reform of the police is quite another matter. Gallup finds solid majorities in favor of police reform with particularly strong support amongst the Black population who are most often subject to police violence.

Once you have seen the working of coercive state power up close, you realize that slogans like defund the police do one vital thing, something which should be essential for democracy, they challenge not just the bargain to which we agree - do we divest? are wages acceptable? etc - the radical slogans challenge the coercive power that ultimately sets the playing field on which we bargain. 

If we want truly democratic politics and not merely a one-sided wrestling match, the question of what kind of safety we want and how it is to be secured, how we wish to preserve order, how we fund and equip what kind of police, must be on the table. If you simply “call in” and deploy the NYPD as it stands, the result will be the shattering, brutalizing experience that Columbia University, our neighborhood and our fellow campus at City College New York now have to come to terms with and recover from.

***

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