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Drug development for obesity needs to take a more holistic view - STAT

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Avian flu in cattle is spreading; scientists want more data on H5N1 - STAT

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WHO expands which pathogens can be transmitted through the air - STAT

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Reimbursement for canceled and delayed flights on Frontier and United - airline | Ask MetaFilter

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Check your credit card used to buy the flights. A number of travel cards include some automatic travel insurance that might help you out here.
posted by chiefthe at 6:24 PM on April 17 [5 favorites]

Did you have travel insurance? In general, US airlines are only responsible for airline costs (i.e. costs of the flight) and not for incidental expenses (ground transport, hotels, etc.) Nothing stops individual airlines from covering more expenses or offering goodwill gestures -- most mainline airlines (United, American, Delta) will comp hotel and ground transport vouchers for canceled flights or overnight controlled delays (see DOT dashboard here), but they are not obligated to. As you might not be surprised to learn, Frontier does not do this, and they are not obligated to under any US regulation.

Also for reference, here is Frontier's policy.

The TLDR is that you are not really due anything more that what you've already gotten (and I know this may sound chastising or blaming, but I'm just trying to be upfront about what is legally due in the US for a domestic flight. In some cases, e.g. if you were flying to/from the EU, you would be due more protections):

Frontier flight to Orlando

If this was an "uncontrollable situation" you are due nothing (as the flight did take off and you did not choose to not take the flight, in which case you would have been due a refund since the delay was 3+ hours, according to Frontier's policy). If this was a "controllable situation" you would have been due meal vouchers, but otherwise everything is the same. This is from Frontier's policy.

Frontier flight from Orlando

Frontier is not responsible for your hotel expenses, as an incidental expense, as per DOT policy.

Frontier would have been responsible for rebooking you on the next available Frontier flight, but it sounds like you had trouble doing so. This is a part where I'm not 100% sure, because if you argued that you would have liked to have been rebooked on the next Frontier flight but no one and no tool was available to rebook you, did they really offer this?

However, since you took the refund from Frontier for its canceled flight, Frontier will likely argue that they fulfilled their obligation to you. (Airlines aren't obligated to both refund a canceled flight and rebook you for free on their next available flight -- doing one fulfills their obligation to you.)

United flight to Denver

If this were a "controllable delay" United should have offered you meal vouchers (as per its commitment to offer meal vouchers for controllable delays of 3+ hours) and if it resulted in an overnight delay, vouchers for a hotel, as per United's policy and the DOT dashboard linked above. But otherwise, as the flight was not canceled, United is not obligated to offer you anything else. If you had chosen not to fly on this flight, this would likely have been considered a "significant delay" under DOT policy and you could have gotten a refund for the flight. The $50 voucher / 2500 miles are a goodwill gesture and not required by any US policy.

United flight from Denver to San Antonio

Unless this flight was canceled, United is also not responsible for refunding you, because this was on a separate booking. Missing the second flight in a separate booking because the first flight was delayed or canceled doesn't obligate the second airline to re-accommodate you. (Unless you somehow bought the Frontier and United tickets together on the same booking, which is very unlikely as they are not codeshare or alliance partners).

posted by andrewesque at 4:56 AM on April 18 [5 favorites]

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sarcozona
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Airlines would be better if they had to compete with trains. Or if we combined and nationalized them.
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Slain tow truck kingpin had a target on his back for years, court documents show | CBC News

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Alexander Vinogradsky's Facebook posts share puns, poke fun at Gen Z and show off a trip to Tokyo Disneyland last year. In others, he is smiling or highlighting damaged cars in need of a tow.

But beneath the cheerful faces and overseas vacations, a constant menace lingered in Vinogradsky's life: as a kingpin in the Toronto area's tow truck underworld, he was a marked man. 

Before he was gunned down March 28 outside a north-end Toronto plaza, he owned Paramount Towing, one of four outfits allegedly locked in a deadly turf war that prompted a major police crackdown in 2019 and 2020. The investigation prompted dozens of arrests — Vinogradsky's included.

And though he was never charged in any murder plots, investigators had information the tow truck boss ordered hits on at least two perceived rivals in late 2018, according to court decisions that have not previously been reported on. One of those men survived a drive-by shooting while the other, Soheil "Cadi" Rafipour, was shot dead that Christmas Eve

"The owner of Paramount Towing was identified as Alex Vinogradsky and the confidential information received suggested that the murder of Mr. Rafipour had been ordered by Mr. Vinogradsky," an Ontario Superior Court judge wrote in a trial-related ruling published in January, recounting the steps police took to investigate the crime.  

Two men — one of whom worked for Paramount Towing, according to evidence presented at their pre-trial hearings — were convicted this past December for the Christmas Eve slaying.

Whether he knew it or not, Vinogradsky appeared to have stepped into a hornet's nest. According to court records obtained by CBC News, both of the targets in those 2018 shootings were associates of a Toronto resident named Girolamo Commisso — the nephew of Cosimo Commisso, a man long alleged to be a senior Mafia figure in the Greater Toronto Area. 

Police have not named any suspects or made any arrests in Vinogradsky's killing.

WATCH | Police reveal links between towing industry, organized crime: 

Police in the Toronto area have pulled back the curtain on organized crime in the tow truck industry. They've arrested 20 people, seized hard drugs and a range of weapons, but the real money seems to have been in costly insurance fraud.

The first of the two shootings allegedly ordered by Vinogradsky targeted a man named Sergei Manukian. He and Rafipour had ambitions to start a competing tow truck business in the GTA with the goal of bringing in more clients to Manukian's existing physical rehabilitation clinic — namely, the people in the wrecked cars they would be towing, a judge said investigators had learned. 

Manukian was sitting outside his clinic — barely a block from the Toronto plaza where Vinogradsky would be killed six years later — in the driver's seat of a black Jeep, smoking a cigarette and chatting with a friend named Jonathan Salazar-Blanco in the passenger seat. Two men in a grey sedan drove up and fired 21 bullets at them. The sedan then tried to speed away, but crashed into a nearby dumpster.

Neither man was injured; Manukian chased after one of the attackers and managed to subdue him. He was charged in relation to this incident and a video presented in court shows him repeatedly striking and wrestling a man to the ground. He was later convicted of assault and given an absolute discharge.

The day after the drive-by shooting, Salazar-Blanco told police, he flew to his native Costa Rica because he was afraid for his life. He told them he bought a last-minute ticket with money from friends, including Girolamo Commisso and their associate Alex Yizhak. 

Coincidentally, they had just learned that Vinogradsky was possibly also in or travelling to Costa Rica.

Commisso, Yizhak and Salazar-Blanco then began to make arrangements that would lead to police charging them with conspiring to murder Vinogradsky. 

All three were acquitted of the charges. But phone messages between the three men, obtained by police through search warrants connected to the Project Kraken investigation that included corruption in the towing industry, suggest there was no love lost between them and the Paramount Towing chief. 

Shortly after Salazar-Blanco landed in Liberia, Costa Rica, he messaged Commisso on WhatsApp about an apparent plan to get a gun. 

A police officer who investigated the case would later file a sworn statement saying that he believed "maquina" — Spanish for "machine" — was slang for a gun. 

"I believe Salazar-Blanco is speaking about obtaining a cheap and smaller caliber firearm to keep noise down while firing it," he wrote.

There was no evidence Commisso ever sent any of the money discussed in the texts.

In messages a few minutes later, Salazar-Blanco tells Commisso from the airport: "Im here and not leaving," and "Ill do it with my bare hands if i have to."

And then just over an hour later: "I got it bro if he comes by here hes mine." Commisso replied: "let's hope u can get the exact flight."

Salazar-Blanco was simultaneously also texting with Yizhak. 

A few hours later, Salazar-Blanco messaged a photo of his hand cradling a loaded revolver. 

"It's on ma [N-word]," he wrote. 

However, Salazar-Blanco never found Vinogradsky in Costa Rica. According to further text exchanges filed in court, the men appear to have learned he was actually in Miami.

Salazar-Blanco was acquitted of conspiracy to commit murder in February 2022 when a judge ruled that while she had no reasonable doubt that there "was a conspiracy to find and kill Mr. Vinogradsky," it wasn't clear that Salazar-Blanco had a true intention to be a part of it based on the phone messages and his police interrogation. He could have been bluffing, the judge said.

The WhatsApp messages were never before the court at Commisso and Yizhak's brief trial in June 2022 because both men were immediately acquitted after the Crown announced its case couldn't go forward without its key witness, Salazar-Blanco. He had been personally subpoenaed but was unlikely to attend to testify, a prosecutor said. 

"It really would give it too much credit to say there was a weak case against both men," said defence lawyer Greg Lafontaine, who represented Yizhak at trial and both defendants at their preliminary hearing. 

"There was absolutely no case of guilt at all."

Reached earlier this week, Commisso said he had no comment. Salazar-Blanco did not reply to a request for comment sent through his former lawyer.

2019 drive-by shooting

It wasn't the last time Vinogradsky was targeted. 

In spring 2020, he was swept up in the police crackdown on the Greater Toronto Area's tow truck turf wars and faced charges of fraud, conspiracy to commit arson and a number of organized-crime offences. 

He brought a court application to have his home address redacted from evidence that would be disclosed to the 50-plus defendants, as previously reported in the Toronto Star

That application revealed that in December 2018, Toronto-area police had warned him they had information that his life was in danger. Soon after, Vinogradsky and his family moved to a different home. 

In April 2019, he went back to his former home and those threats became a reality.

While he was parked outside, the 2020 ruling on his application noted, another vehicle drove past and a man in the front passenger seat began firing a handgun at him. He drove away with the other car in pursuit, a man still firing at him.

A bullet hit him under his left armpit, the ruling said, but the injury was minor. 

In a statement he gave to police after the incident, Vinogradsky said he felt like "a dead man with money on [his] head," but wouldn't say who he thought was responsible, telling officers, "I have to think about my street cred." 

In June 2020, multiple cars and trucks were set on fire outside one of Vinogradsky's businesses.

LISTEN | Arson, fraud and murder in the tow truck industry:

The charges against Vinogradsky were dropped in 2022 when prosecutors decided they couldn't meet their obligation to disclose all relevant evidence to the defence without compromising the identity of one or more confidential police informants.   

Vinogradsky went back to work running Paramount Towing, posting a photo of a damaged car on Facebook as recently as Feb. 22 — five weeks before his death — with the comment "Another day on the job" and his company's phone number.

Reached by CBC News last week, a member of Vinogradsky's immediate family said they had "nothing to add right now." 

After arresting Vinogradsky and more than 50 others in 2020 amid the tow truck turf wars, police announced that they were dismantling "four distinct criminal organizations." They said, "We expect the extreme level of violence we have seen in our community to diminish." 

But the industry is still reeling.

Just last month, two masked people doused a tow truck in liquid and set it on fire at a strip mall in Richmond Hill, Ont. 

The week before, A Action Towing and Recovery, a company based in Burlington, Ont., said three of its trucks were set ablaze overnight. Those incidents followed a rash of apparent tow truck arsons in the Greater Toronto Area last summer and fall.  

A Action Towing's owner, Doug Murray, told CBC News that there's been a significant drop in violent incidents between tow truck operators in some areas, but in others violence can persist. 

"As long as guys are fighting for the tow and chasing for the tow, there's going to be people angry with each other." 

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My family’s past, and Germany’s, weighs heavily upon me. And it’s why I feel so strongly about Gaza | Eva Ladipo | The Guardian

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I don’t usually talk about my great-uncle Walter. Gen Walter Warlimont, as my grandfather’s brother was formally known, was head of the national defence department in the high command of the Wehrmacht, the armed forces of Nazi Germany. Only two people were between him and the Führer in the chain of command. Walter worked so closely with Hitler that the failed assassination attempt in July 1944 injured his arm. The orders he signed during wartime – about who to shoot to kill, about how to treat prisoners – meant he had hundreds of thousands of lives on his conscience.

Not that Uncle Walter was the only one in the family who facilitated the Third Reich and the Holocaust. My paternal grandparents were very proud to have been among the very earliest members of Hitler’s party. My maternal grandfather – Walter’s brother – was the head of a factory in Vienna that made the guidance systems for the V2 rocket, a factory that was staffed by Russian and Ukrainian slave labourers.

I’ve never really felt a need to write about my family history before. But Walter’s life and crimes feel uncomfortably relevant right now. As I watch how the debate and discussion over the war in Gaza have played out in Germany, in the months since the horrific attacks of 7 October, I worry that even as we constantly invoke the Nazi past, we are forgetting some crucial lessons from our history.

Support for Israel is sacrosanct in Germany. That’s for good reason. It is entirely natural for Germany to feel burdened by guilt when it comes to the Jewish people; like most Germans, I believe solidarity with the Jewish state that was created after the Holocaust is a sacred obligation. But unlike many in my country, I don’t believe that support for Israel alone fulfils the responsibility placed upon us by the horrors of the past. Instead, I fear that for the sake of the superordinate desire to stand by Israel’s side – a desire that has landed Germany with the accusation at the international court of justice of aiding genocide – we are inadvertently repeating mistakes that have been made before.

What about the lesson that all people’s lives are of equal value? At the peak of Uncle Walter’s career, Germany divided the world between Übermenschen and Untermenschen, superior people and the subhuman. The horrible outcome of that division should imbue Germans with an understanding of the importance of considering all humans as equal – regardless of racial, ethnic or religious background. And yet as I follow discussion of the war in the Middle East and the matter-of-factness with which the number of victims in Gaza has been accepted, I frequently get the impression that this lesson is being forgotten.

Observing it can no longer help the Palestinians who have died in Gaza. But it might help people living in my own country. Germany is now a multi-ethnic, multi-religious nation. It is estimated that there are about 200,000 people of Palestinian origin in our country and millions of other people drawn from across the Middle East. When they see how the war in Gaza is discussed, many of them perceive a world in which Jewish lives appear to matter far more than Arab ones. It is as though the war allows a long suppressed view of the world to resurface in Germany, in which there are superior “western” cultures on the one hand and inferior, less sophisticated ones on the other.

Debate is stifled not just for Palestinian or Muslim protesters, but for everyone. A defensive climate prevails in which simplistic concepts of good and evil are privileged above nuanced analysis. Critics of Israel’s military campaign are routinely defamed as antisemitic.

When Masha Gessen wrote an essay in the New Yorker about the aggressive dogmatism of Germany’s pro-Israel stance, much of the German media reacted with outrage. The essay was reduced to one headline-grabbing comparison – between Gaza and the Nazi-era ghettoes – that appeared in it, which German critics used to accuse the author of downplaying the Holocaust. The Israeli film-maker Yuval Abraham faced similar outrage after he decried Israel’s treatment of Palestinians and called for a ceasefire in a speech at the Berlin film festival. Many other critical voices, especially in the arts and academia, have been disinvited and defunded and find themselves persona non grata almost overnight.

Besides being the great-niece of one of Hitler’s generals, I am also a journalist in London. The reporting on the war in Britain has struck me as freer and more historically grounded than in Germany. Immediately after the Hamas massacre, the German vice-chancellor, Robert Habeck, was widely praised for warning that “contextualisation” of the atrocities could lead to their “relativisation”. The fateful events that led to the redemptive foundation of Israel and the tragedy of the Palestinian Nakba, which are illuminated and argued about in the English-speaking world, are discussed much more timidly in Germany, almost as though looking too closely could undermine the moral certainty of being on the right “side”.

And yet such simplistic thinking appears to be leading my country into forgetting yet another lesson of the Nazi era: the danger of falling prey to rightwing fanatics. I have no doubt that good intentions – fuelled by repentance – underpin the unconditional German support for Israel. But in our desire to paint the world in black and white – with the role of victim reserved for Israelis, who are seen as westerners, and the role of perpetrators assigned to Arabs, seen as other – we find ourselves in perverse alignment with authoritarians: with Benjamin Netanyahu’s rightwing nationalist government, with white nationalists in the US and with the far-right AfD party at home.

The final – and possibly most acute – lesson, which many Germans seem to be suppressing, stems from our own extraordinary postwar experience. After the second world war, and after centuries of atrocities, the vicious circle of revenge was broken in Europe. This was a truly historic achievement from which the Nazi perpetrators benefited more than anyone else.

Look at my family: for all his crimes, Uncle Walter did not face the death penalty. Instead, after six years, the life sentence imposed on my great-uncle in the Nuremberg trials was lifted and he was released in 1954. He died in the 1970s as a wealthy, respected man on the shores of one of Bavaria’s prettiest lakes. His brother, my grandfather Paul Warlimont, was sentenced to only two years in prison for his mistreatment of factory workers. He was later awarded Germany’s Order of Merit. My paternal grandparents, the very early Nazis, were also granted a rich and free postwar life. The clemency extended to all my forebears was clearly not in the service of justice. But it did serve the interests of peace.

In short, during the past eight decades, postwar Europe has prospered thanks to an extraordinary willingness by Germany’s enemies to forgive her crimes and to let the desire for conciliation trump the desire for justice. This experience should obligate us. It should make Germans always and for ever opponents of vengeance and retribution, whether by Palestinians or Israelis. We should not be fanning the flames in the Middle East by committing ourselves to one beleaguered community over another, let alone exporting weapons to the Netanyahu government and backing it at the United Nations. Instead, we should speak humbly of the miracles that abjuring revenge can bring about. We owe it to our history.

  • Eva Ladipo is a German journalist and novelist based in London

  • Do you have an opinion on the issues raised in this article? If you would like to submit a response of up to 300 words by email to be considered for publication in our letters section, please click here.

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