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Opinion | We Are Blowing the Fight to Contain Bird Flu - The New York Times

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sarcozona
5 hours ago
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It’s a great time to buy an air filter and n95s. For wildfire season, for our familiar respiratory illnesses, for a possible bird flu pandemic
Epiphyte City
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Life after Running — Oregon Humanities

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In the moments before her fall, Quinn Dannies felt weightless. She was finally strong enough to complete the climbing project she’d been working on for years. The afternoon was immaculate—the air cool, the light a soft amber.

Pulling through the crux of the boulder problem, her heel wedged perfectly into position, Dannies reached for the hold above. But, as had happened hundreds of times before, she couldn’t stick it. She fell. Unlike those other times, though, this slip would change the course of her life.

After her fall, Dannies’s back felt sore, but in a familiar, nonthreatening way. She had broken her back when she was fifteen, and it’d been achy ever since. Dannies was used to discomfort after being active. And she was active all the time. An avid trail runner, before her fall she was months into training for her first fifty-mile run. She was skiing huge lines in Tahoe’s backcountry. She was sending all of her climbs.

Weeks passed before Dannies realized something was off. It felt like her abdominal muscles had stopped engaging. Six months went by before she came to accept that this was a new injury. She got one diagnosis, then another. Next came a blur of procedures—hip surgery, spine surgery, three or more doctor’s appointments each week, four courses of physical therapy for different muscle groups.

Years went by, and her prognosis remained unclear. Now, during good weeks, she can sometimes run one mile.

“I’m never going to be the same again,” Dannies tells me. “How could I not be scared of that?”

Athletes are not immune from entering what Susan Sontag calls, in her book Illness as Metaphor, “the kingdom of the sick,” a realm she describes as “the night-side of life, a more onerous citizenship.” The story goes something like this: A young person is in the best shape of their life. They act as if they were invincible. They dream with the kind of folly only a young person can sustain. They believe achieving their dreams is not only possible, but inevitable. They are wrong.

Something happens. At first, it’s subtle. Eventually, their imagined vision of the future falls apart. I’ve spoken with runners, climbers, skiers, powerlifters, cyclists, and mountaineers who have been given unclear prognoses with indeterminable timelines after experiencing injury or illness. They are then tasked with figuring out whether to cling to their identity as an athlete or to accept that the futures they once imagined for themselves have been foreclosed.

How are you supposed to learn a new way to survive when the hope of returning to your beloved old life lingers? How do you accept that everything has changed when there’s a chance you could be wrong? Endurance athletes, perhaps more than any other demographic, delight in rubbing up against their breaking points, probing the body’s upper limits. Running, especially, is for masochists. It is mostly suffering. But none of the hours logged in the gallows make it any easier to admit that the defining feature of your life has vanished—and that without it, you have no clue where, or how, to find your center.

Dannies’s injury was instantaneous. Her ability to live within the new confines of her body was not. Did her disability begin the moment the hurting started, or later, when she finally accepted that the hurting would have no end? Did it begin in the moment Dannies fell and tore her hip labrum? Or several years and surgeries later, when a new physical therapist massaged the shredded muscle and told Dannies she shouldn’t be able to walk? Or sometime in the colorless hours after that appointment, when Dannies finally realized that something had gone desperately wrong?

“How do you deal with the grief of having your body taken away from you?” Dannies wonders.

Almost every morning over the past few years, twenty-six-year-old Sawyer Blatz got up before sunrise to run. In the steel-blue morning, he sprinted through San Francisco’s Crissy Field, running through the eucalyptus trees to reach the shore at the exact moment the sun’s first glint of orange burst through.

But in November 2022, Blatz tested positive for COVID-19. His case was minor. For a few days, he was tired and a bit out of breath. He wasn’t worried, even as he continued to test positive for the better part of a month. But at the end of December, everything changed.

“At its worst, it feels like I’m dying, like my body is shutting down,” Blatz says. “In those early months, I did think that was happening. I said my goodbyes to my partner, just sobbing.” Eventually, he realized that this deathlike agony was now the texture of his life.

A longtime middle-distance runner, Blatz can no longer get out of bed without his heart rate reaching the mid-hundreds. He can’t stand long enough to cook or clean. He has to shower sitting down. It has been like this for months. There are no known treatments for Long COVID. For Blatz, there is no end in sight.

“The prognosis is so muddy,” Blatz says. “No one can tell me, ‘You’re never going to run again.’” But no one can say whether he will.

For now, the medical community has yet to develop standardized treatments for Long COVID, a disease affecting millions that often lowers quality of life more significantly than many cancers. Some studies indicate that as many as 85 percent of people diagnosed with the condition remain symptomatic a year after their initial COVID infection. Living in limbo between hope and despair leaves Blatz feeling crushed by the impossibility of closure.

I became sick—initially with a brain injury, then with a flurry of related nervous system disorders—in 2019, although it took years for me to accept it.

The first morning I woke without a screaming awareness of my chronic injuries, three years after I had sustained them, I ran straight from my bed to the driver’s seat of my car and sped for an hour to my favorite trailhead. But I was not the person I had been. I ran barely a mile before I fainted; I was immediately awakened by the sound of a muscle in my ankle snapping. Over time, my ankle recovered, but my confidence in my ability to accurately assess my own capacity did not.

It would be one thing if, after my disastrous injury, my body had been the only casualty, but so much more than that was affected.

Among the many types of disability and chronic illness, painand fatigue-based conditions are in their own category. Many people I know with other types of disabilities take pride in their identity. Permanent conditions can offer a new type of identity marker, and afford a sense of location within rich histories of resistance to the structural discrimination that disabled people face. As the social model of disability would put it, individual limitations are not the cause of disability; social limitations are. And so pride offers a route to belonging as well as a framework for navigating what writer and activist Eli Clare calls “the daily material conditions of ableism: unemployment, poverty, segregated and substandard education, years spent locked up in nursing homes, violence perpetrated by caregivers, lack of access.”

But pride feels more complicated for people whose conditions are characterized primarily by physical agony. I’ve been reporting on these types of conditions for years, and I’ve never met someone who didn’t wish that they were better. In this context, unlike with other disabilities, the word better isn’t meant pejoratively. My life was better before I became disabled. The limitations do come from within my body. Their exact location keeps changing. I keep trying to find them, but I end up failing and feeling worse.

For athletes facing this conundrum, there is no clean phase change. There is no haven in a new identity. There is resistance and pain and self-alienation. I have become a new type of person, and I will spend the rest of my life wishing I had not.

Running is a way of making geography. To revisit the same trails again and again can transform the feeling of being in a place into the feeling of being of a place. Running provides a sense of belonging. It’s often your social network, the way you fill your calendar, the way you structure your life, the reason you decide to move somewhere or to stay. It’s a way to navigate small talk—an easy answer to give a stranger at a party.

“What’s your deal?” someone might ask.

“I'm a runner, I do all the sports—that’s my thing,” Dannies tells me she always used to say. “I had the shorthands that came with that—you knew my worldviews and my values.”

I ask her how she’d introduce herself if we met at a party now. “I’m still working on that one,” she says. “I don’t know. Who I am feels less accessible.” Injury has a way of reconfiguring a person’s identity. Blatz asks, “How do I even fill out my Twitter bio when I’m 1 percent of who I once was?” Is he still a runner? What does that word even mean?

I ask Travis Hardy, who is thirty-six years old and has been sick with Long COVID since April 2022, what running meant to him. Hardy used to be a marathoner; the half marathon was his sweet spot. For the first time in our hour-long call, I hear a laugh that doesn’t sound like it’s accompanied by a disclaimer, as if to say “How novel it would be, to have the unbridled bodily freedom to just do something, anything, casually.”

“It was just something to do,” he tells me.

But now there is barely anything Hardy can “just do.” He tells me that he and his partner, who also has Long COVID, walk a cumulative half mile per week. He feels well for so few hours each day that the energetic cost of watching a movie or walking around the block can derail the rest of his week.

When I follow up with Hardy a year after our initial conversation, he tells me that after ten months of training, he and his partner are now walking half a mile per day. They try to increase that amount by one-twentieth of a mile per week. It is not a replacement for running, but to live with a chronic condition is to become an expert at negotiating between one’s wants and one’s capacities. It means constantly hacking away at the richness of one’s life—there is nothing casual about it.

For the roughly eighteen million Americans with Long COVID—and at least nine million others with related post-viral conditions like myalgic encephalomyelitis—symptoms worsen significantly following exertion.

“I sit at the kitchen table for lunch. Twenty-four hours later, [the consequence of doing so] hits me,” Blatz says. For Blatz, small undertakings like this can make the world too bright and noisy to bear. For days he stays in bed with the curtains drawn, alone with his grief. Knowing that these are the stakes of even the most minor exertions, what risks are worth taking? What might an athlete wager?

There is no universal experience following what I’ve started calling “The Big Sick.” Access to care differs vastly across racial, socioeconomic, and gender lines. For instance, all of the women I spoke to for this piece commented on the way medical gaslighting compromised their healing; none of the men did.

But every person I spoke to was quick to name the same themes: that they feel unseen; that any sense of certainty they once had in themselves, in their futures, has withered away. They spoke of how agonizing it is to conjure up hope because of the way chronic illness and injury make it impossible to have aspirations that don’t also feel like liabilities. Even inconsequential dreams start to feel like new opportunities to be let down.

I ask Dannies if she has a clear sense of what she is working toward, after so many years of false starts. “At this point, I don’t know what the far side looks like,” she says. “I don’t know that I would know it when I got there.”

Dannies is running again. She puts on the running vest that signals her belonging among long-distance runners and then struggles to run a mile, feeling “like a fraud.” Slowly, she’s learning to give herself permission to turn into some new version of herself—to live in that hurting place. To be visible as one of its residents. To find belonging there, too.

Health, Identity, Oregon Humanities Magazine, Disability, Fear
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sarcozona
19 hours ago
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“How are you supposed to learn a new way to survive when the hope of returning to your beloved old life lingers? How do you accept that everything has changed when there’s a chance you could be wrong?”
Epiphyte City
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Georgia Is Stopping a Bookstore from Sending Books to Prisons - Progressive.org

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Avid Bookshop is an independent bookstore in Athens, Georgia, a college town in Northern Georgia. The bookstore stocks new releases and classics. Curated by their book-loving staff, Avid has been regularly voted by residents and visitors as a community gem in an area with few booksellers outside of big box stores. 

This favorable reputation is not shared by the Gwinnett County Sheriff’s Office, which denied delivery of books from Avid to a person being detained in the Gwinnett County Jail in 2023 (the jail is around an hour’s drive from the store). The Office claimed that Avid was not on a list of “approved vendors.” Many prisons and jails prohibit all literature mailed from local, independent bookstores through “approved vendor” policies that limit the outlets detained and incarcerated people can receive and order books from. 

In conducting research for the PEN America report “Reading Between the Bars,” I found that while about 30 percent of prisons and jails limited who could mail books to people inside in 2015, this rate rose to 80 percent of prisons by 2023. This steep rise has dramatically decreased access and exacerbated censorship.   

Avid is now suing the Gwinnett County Sheriff’s Office for violating the store’s civil rights to free expression, with the University of Georgia School of Law’s First Amendment Clinic and civil rights attorney Zack Greenamyre as counsel. If successful, this case would establish approved vendor policies like Gwinnett County Sheriff’s Office as unconstitutional. 

Prisons and jails claim approved vendor policies are necessary to avoid the introduction of contraband into the facilities, but there has been little evidence to support this accusation. 

At the end of March, federal investigators charged 150 Georgia Department of Corrections employees and other outside individuals for their role in a smuggling ring—the largest in the state’s history—that brought in contraband weapons, cell phones, and drugs. Prisons and jails routinely deny staff culpability and devote extensive energy to censorship by claiming mail is the conduit. In fact, jails are some of the most egregious censors in the carceral system. While prisons are subject to state-level policies, county sheriffs determine the specific mail policies of their jails. This means there is little awareness or oversight of individual jails’ policies.

Prohibiting Avid from distributing literature denies the bookstore their First Amendment rights.

Prohibiting Avid from distributing literature denies the bookstore their First Amendment rights. As businesses, bookstores have legal personhood status, which means they are protected constitutionally. Approved vendor policies limit publishers and sellers, and impede independent bookstores from reaching incarcerated readers. These policies also deny incarcerated readers their right to access information and literature.

Approved vendor policies don't target content. It doesn’t matter if the person wants a dictionary or a bible, they can only get them from the small list of booksellers (the list can be as short as one vendor) a prison or jail has approved. 

The Gwinnett County Jail has not published criteria for how vendors are approved, and neither have the other prisons and jails that follow a similar practice. These opaque policies greatly limit access to information and impede literacy. Limiting vendors restricts the variety of titles available and amounts to a ban on free books, which are sometimes the only ones incarcerated people can both access and afford. 

Avid is the first independent bookstore to challenge approved vendor policies in court.

Avid is the first independent bookstore to challenge approved vendor policies in court. It’s costly and time-consuming to sue. Because of this, not many publishers have challenged prison censorship; but the Human Rights Defense Center is one such publisher that has. They publish the free newspaper Prison Legal News and are often the target of state censorship. Many of the center’s cases have involved successful challenges to approved vendor policies. 

If Avid’s suit is also successful, it would establish that the approved vendor policy is unconstitutional. This victory would pave the way for other challenges that could take down these policies on a national level. 

A ruling in favor of Avid would send a warning to other jails that censorship of books is not reasonably related to maintaining security and makes it impossible for people who are detained—and not necessarily even convicted—to read while they await trial. Surely, that’s the most basic of freedoms.

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Britain is sicker and poorer than it used to be. Sunak’s response? Attack disabled people | Frances Ryan | The Guardian

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When a prime minister knows he is heading for electoral wipeout, he has one of two options. He can choose dignified statesmanship, using his remaining months in power to bring about as much unity and stability as possible. Or he can choose desperation, grasping for votes by scapegoating marginalised people, and leaving division and misery in his wake.

Rishi Sunak has gone for the second option. On Friday, he announced a new crackdown on disability benefits that has been described by charities as “a full-on assault on disabled people”. The country has a “sicknote culture” that needs to be tackled, the prime minister said. Britain “can’t afford” its record levels of welfare spending and it’s “not fair” on the taxpayer.

It is not simply that such rhetoric is cruel or misleading; it is not even original. Attacking sick and disabled people is a method that has been deployed time and time again over the past 14 years of Conservative rule. It is the equivalent of the party’s in-case-of-emergency button: if in trouble, ministers can sound the alarm and the rightwing press will churn out headlines about getting the “jobless” off the “dole”.

As the dust settles from Sunak’s speech, much of the media has focused on his desire to reform the “fit note” system. It is certainly worth mentioning. The plan to shift responsibility for issuing fit notes away from GPs to other “work and health professionals” in order to encourage more people to get back into work is a classic piece of Conservative welfare thinking. If there are too many sick people in the country, don’t bother dealing with the causes – just get someone who is not a doctor to declare they’re not actually sick after all.

It is also worth noting how incoherent much of the plan is. Sunak appears to be bouncing between criticising those on fit notes (people who are employed but are off work temporarily and receiving statutory sick pay) and those who are said to be milking the benefits system (people who are unemployed due to long-term health problems and require out-of-work sickness benefits). The point, presumably, is that nuance doesn’t matter as much as the general mood music. Consider that barely 48 hours after Sunak announced his urge to get people off disability benefits, it emerged that the government had axed a key scheme that helps disabled people get into work.

Just like with policies on asylum seekers and trans rights, this is less about actually tackling the problem and more about making enough voters confused and angry.

What has largely slipped under the radar, though, is a major reform: a review of personal independence payments (Pip), the flagship non-means-tested benefit designed to help cover the extra costs that come with disability. Proposals include asking for more medical evidence before awarding the benefit, looking at whether some payments should be one-off rather than ongoing, and withdrawing money from some people living with mental-health problems and replacing it with treatment.

This would signal a break with the very principle of social security for disabled people: rather than a recurrent entitlement, this is cash that could be withheld or swapped at the state’s whim.

It would also be wildly impractical. Offering people with mental-health conditions treatment instead of benefits means little when treatment isn’t available. Currently in England, there are 1.9 million people waiting for mental-health services, while 15,000 have died under stretched community care. I suppose it is hard for Sunak to understand languishing on an NHS waiting list when he pays for a private GP practice that sees patients on the day. Besides, we live in a country with universal healthcare. Benefits don’t need to be exchanged for medical treatment – that’s what we pay our taxes for.

At the same time, making social security a “one-off payment” fundamentally misunderstands how people use disability benefits or how the costs of health conditions work (Scope puts the average monthly extras for a household with at least one disabled adult or child at £975). Whether it is taxis because public transport is overwhelming and inaccessible, or a private therapist when NHS mental-health services are swamped, the vast majority of disability expenses are frequent and long-term. The fact that two-thirds of the people currently in destitution have a health condition hints at how inadequate the safety net already is.

The bleakest part of Sunak’s plan is that there is a genuine crisis obscured by his misleading rhetoric. Britain is a significantly sicker and poorer country than it used to be. The Institute for Fiscal Studies (IFS) estimates that one in 10 working-age Britons are now receiving health-related benefits, and this is only expected to increase. We hear a lot about the cost of this for the taxpayer, but perhaps it is time we also focus on the cost to people’s lives: the needless pain, the sleepless nights, the broken relationships and mounting bills. Contrary to popular sentiment, every “benefit claimant” is a human being, not an expense on a spreadsheet.

In the coming years, addressing the growing number of long-term sick people will have to be the priority of any government. To do that though, ministers will need to forgo the fiction that hordes of workers are faking illnesses and admit the facts. Britain does not have a “sicknote culture”. It has a record-high NHS waiting list, widespread food poverty, stagnant wages, low benefit rates, crippling housing costs, a broken social-care system, poor long Covid support and inadequate mental-health services.

For its architects, it is easier to put the blame for such chaos on to the individual. And yet these are structural issues – issues that did not occur overnight but are the all too predictable consequences of a public realm that has been vandalised by years of austerity, Brexit and a negligently handled pandemic.

The true sickness in this country cannot be found in a benefits office or a GP surgery but in Downing Street. It is a political culture whose default setting is demonising and impoverishing people who are already suffering, and a rightwing media that for decades has parroted the lies and bigotry it is fed. There may not be an easy prescription for healing this particular condition but it starts with a general election – and voting the Conservatives out.

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Sask. officials knew COVID-19 was spreading at an 'exponential' rate in 2021, but refused restrictions | CBC News

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This story is a collaboration between the Investigative Journalism Foundation and CBC Saskatchewan.

Newly obtained internal data shows the Saskatchewan government knew COVID-19 was spreading at an "exponential" rate in the fall of 2021, providing new insight into what officials knew before a devastating COVID-19 wave hit the province.

The Investigative Journalism Foundation (IJF) and the CBC have obtained a six-page briefing presented to top officials at Saskatchewan's Ministry of Health in September 2021, days before the provincial government publicly declined to re-introduce measures doctors said were urgently needed to stop the spread of the virus. 

The presentation, dated Sept. 3, 2021, came before a wave of COVID-19 infections that killed hundreds and nearly overwhelmed the province's health system.

The government would later have to airlift roughly a quarter of its most critically sick patients to Ontario because there were not enough doctors and medical staff to care for them in Saskatchewan.

The IJF and the CBC requested the data more than two years ago through Access to Information legislation. Government bodies are supposed to respond to such requests within 30 days, with a possible 30-day extension in limited circumstances. In this case, it took two and a half years.

The documents show modelling updates prepared by the Ministry of Health's modelling team and submitted to either deputy health minister Max Hendricks or then-health minister Paul Merriman. The Ministry of Health refused to provide clarity on who received the projections.

The presentation breaks down the reproduction number — or Rt — in Saskatchewan. Rt is a measure of how fast a disease is spreading. A value higher than one means infections are increasing.

The slides show a rapid increase in the spread of COVID-19 over two weeks. 

READ: The documents government officials were provided: 

According to the slides, Saskatchewan's Rt for the week of Aug. 18, 2021 was 1.4, and there were an estimated 3,800 undiagnosed infectious people in the province.

"This indicates that Saskatchewan as a whole [is] in exponential growth," the first slide reads.

Another presentation — dated Sept. 3, 2021 — indicates the Rt had increased to 1.9 by Aug. 29, 2021, with an estimated 8,600 undiagnosed infectious people.

Once again, the report indicates that Saskatchewan was experiencing exponential growth of COVID-19.

At the time these numbers were being recorded by the province, Dr. Cory Neudorf was an interim senior medical health officer with the Saskatchewan Health Authority (SHA).

He said officials with the government and the SHA were privy to the data. As the start of school approached, there was growing concern among experts about the provincial government's insistence that it would not implement COVID-19 health restrictions for the upcoming school year, he said.

"We were giving that information through mid-August and then seeing what kind of reaction would come back from government — if they were going to or planning to announce any further restrictions or changes to approach," Neudorf said in a recent interview.

It quickly became apparent that the government was not going to change its approach, he said.

Neudorf was among the doctors and health officials who signed a letter at the time, calling for masking and health restrictions in schools.

READ| The open letter signed by Dr. Cory Neudorf and others: 

At first, the government's approach did not change. On Sept. 10, 2021, Moe said during a news conference in Saskatoon that the province would not introduce any rules around masking.

He also said the province would not require any proof of vaccination requirements to enter certain businesses, saying such a policy would create "two classes of citizen."

Just six days later, in another news conference in Saskatoon, Moe announced the government would indeed bring back a masking requirement and begin requiring proof of vaccination to enter buildings.

Neudorf never got a response to his letter.

"I've never encountered that before as a medical health officer,"  Neudorf said.

"Total silence."

Merriman, who no longer serves as the province's health minister, declined to be interviewed for this story.

The Ministry of Health provided a statement that did not answer a list of detailed questions provided by CBC News and the IJF. 

In its statement, the Ministry of Health pointed to the rise of the more transmissible Delta variant as the cause of the surge of cases in the fall of 2021.

"Throughout the pandemic, the Saskatchewan Ministry of Health continuously reassessed public health risks based on the best available evidence as the situation evolved," the statement read. 

Premier Scott Moe echoed that sentiment when questioned about COVID-19 during a meeting of the Saskatchewan Urban Municipalities Association (SUMA) earlier this month.

Moe stressed that the government made decisions with "the information they had" at the time, calling it "a time when I don't think anyone had a lot of answers."

"So what I truly hope coming out of the last pandemic is that we don't have to face those types of questions and that type of a situation again," Moe said. 

For Neudorf, the legacy of COVID-19 and the efforts by medical professionals to encourage action is more complicated.

"You don't want to politicize something, right? What you hope is that the information you're giving is being heard," he said. 

On Sept. 3, 2021, the date that the modelling was submitted to the upper echelons of the Ministry of Health, Saskatchewan had recorded 610 COVID-19 deaths. 

Over the next year, 905 more people would die from COVID-19 in the province.

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Quantifying e-bike applicability by comparing travel time and physical energy expenditure: A case study of Japanese cities - ScienceDirect

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